Electoral
setback for Modi
Elections in
five states have proved a major setback for Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi
and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and provided a boost for Congress and its
still relatively young leader Rahul Gandhi. Variously described as a ‘dry run’,
‘dress rehearsal’ and ‘semi-final’ before the general elections due in May
2019, the BJP lost two major states outright and seemed poised to lose a third
in its Hindutva heartland. According to the results so far, in Rajasthan,
Congress won 101 seats to BJP’s 73 in the 199-seat state Assembly. In
Chattisgarh the count was Congress 68, BJP 16 in the 90-seat state Assembly. In
Madhya Pradesh, Congress’ tally was 115, one short of a simple majority in the
230-seat Assembly, with BJP trailing at 108. It is expected that either
Congress will achieve a majority or UP Chief Minister Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj
Party’s two seats could help Congress form a government in Madhya Pradesh. In
Telengana and Mizoram, local regional parties won with Congress a distant
second. Although mid-term state elections are not always a reliable indicator
of general elections to follow, it is interesting to note what has derailed the
Modi-BJP electoral juggernaut at this juncture. Modi won the general elections
in 2014 on the foundations of the Gujarat economic ‘miracle’ while he served
two terms as chief minister of the state. The expectation therefore was that he
would be able to replicate his economic success at the national level. Although
India’s growth is healthy, the demonitisation debacle lowered Modi’s popularity
and dimmed his reputation as a successful economic manager. The recent huge
peasants’ marches to Mumbai and New Delhi underlined the failure of Modi’s
government to address rural distress amongst farmers (over 300,000 peasants
have committed suicide in recent years) and fulfil Modi’s promise to double
their incomes. Further, the Hindutva agenda of the BJP and aligned saffron
groups oversaw if not encouraged mob lynchings of Muslims for cow slaughter,
thereby alienating the Muslim, lower caste and enlightened voter. The recent
ratcheting up of the Ayodhya temple building campaign despite the Indian
Supreme Court’s stay order too appears to have backfired electorally because it
raised hackles throughout the country of another round of communal conflict and
clashes. The three states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh are
considered the stronghold of BJP’s Hindutva vote bank. The seriousness of this
electoral setback in BJP’s fortunes cannot therefore be easily dismissed.
These five state
elections results may have dimmed Modi's star as a formidable election winner,
but it may be too early to write him off or even conclude that he risks defeat
in the 2019 general elections. Even before these state elections, the received wisdom
was that Modi would probably win again in 2019 but with a reduced majority. The
loss of the three major ‘cow belt’ states though has raised ticklish questions
about Modi’s prospects in 2019. On the other hand Rahul Gandhi has recovered
some ground steadily lost to the BJP in recent years at the state level.
Rahul’s strategy appears to be to unite the fractious factions of his own
Congress Party while forging election alliances with regional and leftist
opposition parties across the face of India. He has attempted to steal some of
the Hindutva thunder of the BJP by adopting symbols and tactics to out-saffron
the BJP in some areas, but if the negative fallout of the latter’s reliance on
a Hindutva agenda is any guide, Congress may still be better served by sticking
to its secular roots in opposition to the divisive communal politics of the
BJP. Whatever the outcome of the 2019 general elections, whether a weakened
Modi’s reduced victory or some surprise upset, the outcome is unlikely to dent
India’s hostility to any meaningful engagement with Pakistan for normalisation of
relations. Observers on this side of the border therefore can for the
foreseeable future only analyse trends and developments on the Indian political
horizon without any illusions of any quick turnaround in Pakistan-India’s
fraught relations.
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