Impassable impasse

 

Rashed Rahman

 

Despite the fact that the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf has postponed its much touted Long March from September 27, 2026 to October 4, the state of heightened tension between the government and the opposition remains firmly in place. Chief Minister Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Sohail Afridi has returned to his song about the input of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa being included in national counter-terror policy. His argument revolves around the deteriorating security situation in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa being due to the Centre’s faulty approach to the problem of terrorism. He does not refrain from returning time and again to his old and worn tune of the need to distinguish between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ Taliban, despite the fact that by now, given the Afghan Taliban regime’s continuing support to the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan in their unrelenting and escalating campaign inside Pakistan, such nuances no longer make any sense. In essence, the ‘good’ ‘bad’ Taliban swansong betrays a soft corner for the Taliban per se, a position the Chief Minister has no doubt inherited and picked up from his incarcerated leader Imran Khan.

There are cross currents within the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf regarding the way forward. Chairman Gohar’s repeated arguments that the party will only mount a peaceful protest (whenever it now takes place) find few takers within the government or the establishment. The suspicion on this side that another May 9, 2023 incident can be expected is still held firmly. Even after Islamabad and its approaches have been sealed off against any such intrusion, arrests of Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf workers and leaders continue. Adiala Jail, where Imran Khan currently resides, has been put under heightened security. Prohibitive fines are envisaged for a repeat of the destruction of Islamabad’s security cameras and architecture on May 9, 2023.

While the impasse between the two sides continues, there are a few voices arguing for dialogue still. One such is Governor Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Faisal Karim Kundi. On the one hand he argues that the given prevailing law and order situation in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa militates against any long march on Islamabad. He goes on to suggest that all political forces should sit across the table and devise a joint strategy for establishing peace in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. But just under the surface of these seemingly reconciliatory remarks, Governor Kundi insists that the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government neither speaks against terrorism emanating from Afghanistan nor has it passed any resolution in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly against the menace. These latter statements must be juxtaposed with the current idea being floated for Governor’s Rule being imposed in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf ‘dares’ the government to do so. Hothead Advocate Naeem Haider Panjutha threatens in any such eventuality to cause an uprising of the people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa that will sweep Governor’s Rule away. While this extremism may be forgiven as desperation, it says little about the strategic and tactical soundness of the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf’s campaign. In essence, the campaign is about the release of Imran Khan, the prospects for which appear dim, to say the least.

Another voice preaching dialogue and a peaceful end to the current political deadlock is that of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz’s Khwaja Saad Rafique. He argues that since the entire country is paying the price of the deadlock, both the government and the opposition must rise above “ego, stubbornness and factionalism” to pursue dialogue. The former federal minister stresses that the state must take the first step forward toward reconciliation to prevent further loss of life and property. If there is a genuine intention to resolve issues, he pleads, a way forward can always be found. Both sides tearing apart each other’s self-respect, he argues, is a sign of petty-mindedness, not something to take pride in.

While there is weight in the soft cadences of Governor Kundi and especially Khwaja Saad Rafique, they seem to fly in the face of the impassable impasse in which both sides and the country is stuck for the foreseeable future.

 

 

 

 

 

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com

As printed by the paper:

Impassable impasse

 

Rashed Rahman

 

Despite the fact that the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf has postponed its much touted ‘long march’ from September 27, 2026 to October 4, the state of heightened tension between the government and the opposition remains firmly in place. Chief Minister Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Sohail Afridi has returned to his song about the input of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa being included in national counter-terror policy. His argument revolves around the deteriorating security situation in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa being due to the Centre’s faulty approach to the problem of terrorism. He does not refrain from returning time and again to his old and worn tune of the need to distinguish between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ Taliban, despite the fact that by now, given the Afghan Taliban regime’s continuing support to the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan in their unrelenting and escalating campaign inside Pakistan, such nuances no longer make any sense. In essence, the ‘good’ ‘bad’ Taliban swansong betrays a soft corner for the Taliban per se, a position the Chief Minister has no doubt inherited and picked up from his incarcerated leader Imran Khan.

There are cross currents within the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf regarding the way forward. Chairman Gohar’s repeated arguments that the party will only mount a peaceful protest (whenever it now takes place) find few takers within the government or the establishment. The suspicion on this side that another May 9, 2023 incident can be expected is still held firmly. Even after Islamabad and its approaches have been sealed off against any such intrusion, arrests of Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf workers and leaders continue. Adiala Jail, where Imran Khan currently resides, has been put under heightened security. Prohibitive fines are envisaged for a repeat of the destruction of Islamabad’s security cameras and architecture on May 9, 2023.

While the impasse between the two sides continues, there are a few voices arguing for dialogue still. One such is Governor Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Faisal Karim Kundi. On the one hand he argues that the given prevailing law and order situation in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa militates against any ‘long march’ on Islamabad. He goes on to suggest that all political forces should sit across the table and devise a joint strategy for establishing peace in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. But just under the surface of these seemingly reconciliatory remarks, Governor Kundi insists that the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa government neither speaks against terrorism emanating from Afghanistan nor has it passed any resolution in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Assembly against the menace. These latter statements must be juxtaposed with the current idea being floated for Governor’s Rule being imposed in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf ‘dares’ the government to do so. Hothead Advocate Naeem Haider Panjutha threatens in any such eventuality to cause an uprising of the people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa that will sweep Governor’s Rule away. While this extremism may be forgiven as desperation, it says little about the strategic and tactical soundness of the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf’s campaign. In essence, the campaign is about the release of Imran Khan, the prospects for which appear dim, to say the least.

Another voice preaching dialogue and a peaceful end to the current political deadlock is that of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz’s Khwaja Saad Rafique. He argues that since the entire country is paying the price of the deadlock, both the government and the opposition must rise above “ego, stubbornness and factionalism” to pursue dialogue. The former federal minister stresses that the state must take the first step forward toward reconciliation to prevent further loss of life and property. If there is a genuine intention to resolve issues, he pleads, a way forward can always be found. Both sides tearing apart each other’s self-respect, he argues, is a sign of petty-mindedness, not something to take pride in.

While there is weight in the soft cadences of Governor Kundi and especially Khwaja Saad Rafique, they seem to fly in the face of the impassable impasse in which both sides and the country is stuck for the foreseeable future.

 

 

 

 

 

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com

Filmbàr screening of Robert Altman's 3 Women (1977) at Research and Publication Centre (RPC) on Friday, October 02, 2026, at 5pm

Filmbàr screening of Robert Altman's 3 Women (1977) at Research and Publication Centre (RPC) on Friday, October 02, 2026, at 5pm.

Pinky is an awkward adolescent who starts work at a spa in the California desert. She becomes overly attached to fellow spa attendant, Millie when she becomes Millie's roommate. Millie is a lonely outcast who desperately tries to win attention with constant upbeat chatter. They hang out at a bar owned by a strange pregnant artist and her has-been cowboy husband. After two emotional crises, the three women steal and trade personalities until they settle into a new family unit that seems to give each woman what she was searching for.

The screening will be followed by a discussion over tea. Lift is operational.

Address: Research and Publication Centre (RPC), 2nd Floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore (next to Standard Chartered Bank, above Indesign showroom).

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)

Filmbàr screening of Hirokazu Kore-eda's After Life (1998) at Research and Publication Centre (RPC) on Friday, September 25, 2026, at 5pm

Filmbàr screening of Hirokazu Kore-eda's After Life (1998) at Research and Publication Centre (RPC) on Friday, September 25, 2026, at 5pm.

A small mid-20th century social-service-style office is a waystation for the souls of the recently deceased, where they are processed before entering their personal heaven - a single happy memory re-experienced for eternity. Every Monday, a new group of recently deceased people check in, and the "social workers" in the lodge explain their situation. Once the newly-dead have identified their happiest memories, workers design and replicate each person's chosen memory, which is staged and filmed. At the end of the week, the recently deceased watch the films of their recreated happiest memories in a screening room. As soon as each person sees his or her own memory, he or she vanishes to whatever state of existence lies beyond and takes only that single memory with them. The story pays most attention to two of the "counselors," Takashi and Shiori. Takashi has been assigned to help an old man, Ichiro, select his memory. Reviewing videotape of Ichiro's life, Takashi learns that Ichiro had married Takashi's former fiancée after Takashi had been killed during World War II. Takashi has Ichiro assigned to another counselor, but is still troubled by his memories, causing both him and his quasi-romantic interest Shiori to re-examine their (after-) lives.

The screening will be followed by a discussion over tea. Lift is operational.

Address: Research and Publication Centre (RPC), 2nd Floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore (next to Standard Chartered Bank, above Indesign Showroom).

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)

Filmbàr screening of Agnès Varda's Le Bonheur (1965) at Research and Publication Centre (RPC) on Friday, September 18, 2026, at 5pm

Filmbàr screening of Agnès Varda's Le Bonheur (1965) at Research and Publication Centre (RPC) on Friday, September 18, 2026, at 5pm.

Francois is a young carpenter married to Therese. They have two little children. All goes well, life is beautiful, the sun shines and the birds sing. One day, Francois meets Emilie, they fall in love and become lovers. He still loves his wife and wants to share his new greater happiness with her.

The screening will be followed by a discussion over tea. Lift is operational.

Address: Research and Publication Centre (RPC), 2nd Floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore (next to Standard Chartered Bank, above Indesign showroom).

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)

Business Recorder Column September 8, 2026

‘Secret’ terrorism trials

 

Rashed Rahman

 

On August 31, 2026, the Punjab Assembly in its wisdom chose to pass the Punjab Anti-Terrorism (Amendment) Bill 2026 after uproar and objections by the Opposition. The Bill was passed after the Opposition walked out. The latter’s criticisms were ‘naturally’ given short shrift. The content, timing, need for the Bill simply beggar the imagination.

The Bill adds a new Section 21AAA into the Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997. According to this new Section, a BS-20 grade officer (whose identity will remain secret) will be empowered to designate certain cases “special security cases” in which the identities of judges, prosecutors, police officers, witnesses and defence counsel can be withheld. The BS-20 grade bureaucrat will not only be empowered to decide which cases require these ‘protective’ measures, he will help coordinate case specifics. The record of such cases will be sealed with the Chief Justice and the ‘designated authority’, which means they will be denied access to the accused, thereby making appellate scrutiny and pursuit difficult.

The ruffled Opposition within the Punjab Assembly and the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) have both warned that such draconian measures would undermine constitutional fair trial guarantees and create scope for abuse of state power. HRCP in a statement published on September 3, 2026 has expressed serious concern at the passage of the Bill, warning that its provisions allowing certain cases to be designated “special security cases” could undermine fair trial constitutional guarantees and create scope for abuse of state power. The HRCP says the amendment did not adequately define the circumstances in which these extraordinary powers could be exercised, raising concerns that they could be used against ordinary citizens, political opponents or protestors on the pretext of security. HRCP acknowledges that protecting judicial investigative officials from genuine threats is a legitimate state responsibility. However, it questions whether the need for such sweeping measures had been established.

It needs to be noted that no other province has felt constrained to pass a similar law as Punjab has done. Is there an argument that Punjab is more afflicted by terrorism than say, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa or Balochistan? In those two provinces, and especially Balochistan, the resort is to ‘enforced disappearance’, which naturally then obviates any need of a trial despite the disappeared’s family and human rights organisations pleading for judicial proceedings to confirm the disappeared are alive and well. Punjab has secreted a high ranking bureaucrat into its ‘secret’ trials experiment, which beggars the imagination as to need or efficacy.

HRCP has also raised serious concerns about the secrecy imposed by the Amendment. Such secrecy violates security of person, right to a fair trial and protection of dignity under Articles 9, 10A and 14 of the Constitution. HRCP also quotes Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which guarantees fair trial rights. HRCP argues that the secrecy surrounding the identities of key participants in proceedings under the new legislation could have serious consequences for an accused person. A person wrongly accused of an offence could be prevented from effectively challenging the evidence against them or questioning the fairness of the proceedings per se. HRCP says the Amendment is part of a broader pattern in which security justifications are invoked to expand state powers at the expense of fundamental rights. HRCP calls for the Bill to be reconsidered and brought into conformity with Pakistan’s constitutional and international fair trial guarantees. It demands that any security measures intended to protect judicial or investigative officers should be narrowly defined, clearly regulated and subjected to independent judicial oversight, so that such exceptional powers could not be used arbitrarily.

In the light of these compelling arguments and objections, one can feel nothing but pity for Punjab Information Minister Azma Bokhari attempting to defend the Amendment on television. As is her brief and wont, Ms Bokhari says the changes are aimed at strengthening the legal framework (!) and would not be used for political purposes (!!). She argues the amendments have been made within the existing legal framework and cases would be dealt with according to the law (?). Ms Bokhari may sincerely believe that her government had no intention of interfering in judicial proceedings but fails to address the concerns about a highly placed bureaucrat making such interventions. As it is, the people of Pakistan have grave concerns about the direction legislation, rules, etc., are steering the judicial system. This Amendment may well prove the icing on the cake of our present ignominy.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com

Filmbàr screening of John Waters' Cecil B. Demented (2000) at Research and Publication Centre (RPC) on Friday, September 11, 2026, at 5pm.

Filmbàr screening of John Waters' Cecil B. Demented (2000) at Research and Publication Centre (RPC) on Friday, September 11, 2026, at 5pm.

In Baltimore, guerrilla filmmaker Cecil B. Demented leads a band of cinema revolutionaries who kidnap Honey Whitlock, a bitchy and aging movie star of big-budget froth. Cecil wants her in his movie, a screed against Hollywood they film during blitzkrieg attacks on a multiplex, a Maryland Film Commission press conference, and the set of a "Forrest Gump" sequel. He insists on celibacy; the cast and crew channel sexual energy into the production. With a family-values coalition, aggrieved Teamsters, and the police on their trail, Cecil needs help from porno, kung-fu, and drive-in audiences. What about Honey? Will she bolt or refuse to act? Or will she hit her marks and light up the screen?

The screening will be followed by a discussion over tea. Lift is operational.

Address: Research and Publication Centre (RPC), 2nd Floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore (Next to Standard Chartered Bank, above Indesign showroom).

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)

Khirki invites you to a screening of "Fragments of a Life of Struggle - Episodes 9 & 10" at Research and Publication Centre (RPC) on Saturday, September 5, 2026 at 5:00 pm

Khirki invites you to a screening of "Fragments of a Life of Struggle - Episodes 9 & 10" at Research and Publication Centre (RPC) on Saturday, September 5, 2026 at 5:00 pm.

This documentary traces the life and political journey of Rashed Rahman, a Marxist revolutionary from Lahore who be came involved in the Baloch national movement during the 1970s.

In these episodes, Rashed Rahman discusses how the insurgency in Balochistan ended, and his own life after returning to Lahore. He talks about the troubles of readjusting and about what became of the movement after his departure. The episodes further shed light on the circumstances of the Baloch movement from the 1980s to the early 2000s and the birth of a new insurgency in 2002.

Join us for an evening of film, discussion and collective reflection on history, politics, and the lives shaped by them.

Address: Research and Publication Centre (RPC), 2nd floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore (next to Standard Chartered Bank, above Indesign showroom). Lift is operational.

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)