Zardari’s faulty
wisdom
PPP
co-Chairperson Asif Zardari has joined the fray of the heating up of the coming
electoral contest of late, but in an exceedingly strange way. While mutual
mudslinging between the rival parties, especially the PPP, PTI and PML-N, the
three main contenders, has become the order of the day, Zardari has contributed
his own unique ‘touch’. He says the PPP and PTI could forge a Senate-like
arrangement after the elections if needed. Attempting to justify his reference
to what has come to be almost universally reviled as horse-trading during the
polls for the upper house, he trotted out the saying: “Necessity is the mother
of invention.” He went on to say that if the PPP cannot form a government
(presumably in alliance with the PTI and the saleable commodity called
‘independents’), it was prepared to sit on the opposition benches (a tautology,
surely). On the other hand, Zardari has been tilting against the PML-N and in
particular Nawaz Sharif in incrementally harsh terms for some time. Recently he
asserted that he was unwilling even to enter paradise with Nawaz Sharif. Now he
blames Nawaz Sharif for the present parlous state of our democracy, which Nawaz
Sharif has brought to this pass through his ‘Prince Saleem-like’ behaviour. This
faltering democracy, thanks to Nawaz Sharif he asserts, is so weak that
“anything can happen”. Earlier, on April 28, 2018, Zardari had ruled out an
alliance with the PML-N, which he argued only came to power in 2013 because he
had let them form the government. And he also asserted that no government
without the PPP would be sustainable.
Mr Zardari is
speaking as though he has the reins of the polity in his firm grasp. This
implies that nothing can happen or be sustainable without his blessings. Now
this rhetoric may provide some much needed encouragement to the ranks of the
PPP, but it is hardly the perception most people share. The PPP may well find
itself in some trouble even in its stronghold of Sindh; in the rest of the
country, particularly in its erstwhile main base Punjab, it has virtually been
wiped out. The demoralistion in the ranks of its jiyalas (committed workers) is too obvious to deny. If Zardari
thinks by wheeling-dealing and plucking saleable opportunist electables from
other parties (a process all the parties seem to be wedded to at present), he
can rescue the PPP from its slough of despond, this may well turn out to be
wishful thinking. Of course one can make some concessions to the exaggerated
rhetoric all parties indulge in during election campaigns (which have begun)
but unrealistic pitches and opportunistic leanings are likely to further blight
the prospects of the PPP. In any case Imran Khan seems least inclined to shake
hands with Asif Zardari, either before or after the elections. He is relying on
the independents holding the balance of power in a possible hung parliament and
making deals with them. So although Asif Zardari’s seemingly visceral hatred of
Nawaz Sharif inclines him to consider extending a hand to Imran Khan as a
‘necessity’, this too may be more wishful thinking than a plausible course. But
quite apart from the mutual bad relations amongst the three main contending
parties, the real question hovering in the background is whether Zardari’s
narrative is innocent electioneering or being parroted on someone’s behest.
Some commentators have not shrunk from ascribing Asif Zardari’s new tilt as
serving the purposes of the establishment, which arguably is bent upon denying
the PML-N power. However, even if this be true, Asif Zardari would be expected
to have enough experience and understanding of the modus operandi of the
establishment to realise that once he has served their purpose, the forces of
the establishment are quite capable of ditching him too. Zardari’s present
Machiavellian course therefore does not even guarantee success, and may well
further weaken the already depleted ranks of the PPP.
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