Monday, January 31, 2022

Rashed Rahman: Fragments of a life of struggle – Ep-02 – new link

With apologies to all friends who have complained that the link sent earlier for this episode either did not open or the video was unavailable, here is the new link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TVq1Qc58Rjo&t=178s

In case this too gives trouble, simply type "Rashed Rahman Ep-02 YouTube" in your computer and you will get access.

Apologies again.

Link to "Rashed Rahman: Fragments of a life of struggle – Ep-02" the second of a series of 13 episodes on YouTube of my interviews by my son Dr Taimur Rahman on my life and political struggles: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TVq1Qc58Rjo&t=178s

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)

 

Friday, January 28, 2022

Rashed Rahman: Fragments of a life of struggle – Ep-02

Link to "Rashed Rahman: Fragments of a life of struggle – Ep-02" the second of a series of 13 episodes on YouTube of my interviews by my son Dr Taimur Rahman on my life and political struggles: https://youtu.be/TV1Qc58Rjo

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)


Thursday, January 27, 2022

Rashed Rahman: Fragments of a life of struggle – Ep-01

Link to "Rashed Rahman: Fragments of a life of struggle – Ep-01" the first of a series of 13 episodes on YouTube of my interviews by my son Dr Taimur Rahman on my life and political struggles: https://youtu.be/rxYw_tFuLS4

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)


Tuesday, January 25, 2022

Business Recorder Column January 25, 2022

As written by me:


The long arm of the establishment

 

Rashed Rahman

 

The trial in London of a Pakistani man, Gohir Khan, on charges of being hired to assassinate exiled Pakistani blogger Ahmed Waqas Goraya based in Rotterdam, The Netherlands, has elicited a deafening silence from the Pakistani authorities. This is despite the trial proceedings revealing that he received an advance payment of Pounds Sterling 5,000 in a Pakistani bank account and was promised another 80,000 after the ‘job’ was completed. Khan travelled to Rotterdam, scouted Goraya’s home, but since the latter was away, abandoned the quest and returned to London where he was arrested. The accusations are uncontested by the accused, who has taken refuge behind the plea that he never intended to carry out the assassination and was only interested in making some money to straighten out his dire financial situation. Even if this unbelievable defence is accepted, at least two burning questions remain unanswered. If he had no intent to kill, why did Khan buy a big kitchen knife in Rotterdam, and second, is it conceivable that he was so naïve as to think he could get away with the money without carrying out the assassination?

The whole affair stinks to high heaven. On the basis of the facts iterated in court, it appears to be a transnational plot initiated by ‘elements’ in Pakistan. One such, revealed on Gohir Khan’s cell phone, is a middleman called ‘Muds’, ‘Zed’ and ‘Papa’. The conversations between the two are encoded in fishing metaphors. Some background may further clarify.

Ahmed Waqas Goraya and four other dissident bloggers who criticised religious extremism and the military establishment were ‘disappeared’ in 2017 for their pains. They were also accused of the ubiquitous blasphemy charges reserved for such irritants by the powers that be and their ‘religious’ collaborators. Although these five bloggers were eventually released after a storm of protest by progressives across Pakistan arguing that the space for free speech was shrinking in Pakistan, all sought refuge abroad. None of them broke their pregnant silence about their treatment while ‘disappeared’. Goraya returned to The Netherlands, having abandoned perforce his desire to return to Pakistan permanently after having spent a decade in The Netherlands. Despite dissidents taking up the ‘disappeared’ bloggers’ case, hundreds deactivated their social media accounts and pages, even those residing abroad, for fear of adverse consequences for themselves and their families.

Goraya’s is neither the first such case, nor likely to be the last. This is because according to the British press, there is an ongoing crackdown against Pakistani dissidents abroad. One has only to recall the murders of Sajid Hussain Baloch in exile in Sweden and Karima Baloch in Toronto, Canada to accord credibility to these claims. Both were found drowned in mysterious, unexplained circumstances, with the never tiring champions of the rule of law and human rights, both Sweden and Canada, being involved in what appears to be a cover up.

Those dissidents in exile abroad are precariously placed, the cases of Ayesha Siddiqa and Gul Bukhari being two recently revealed by the British press as having received warnings from the UK police about threats to their life. Journalist Taha Siddiqui who fled to Paris after his attempted abduction in Islamabad is another ‘candidate’. The British press has quoted Mark Lyall Grant, a former UK High Commissioner to Pakistan, as naming the ISI amongst a list of likely authors of such activities. Apart from the above named journalists and writers, similar warnings of threats to life have been issued by the British authorities to the Baloch and Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement exiles and an alleged ‘hit list’ of individual critics of the establishment.

It is difficult, given this and similar information on such ‘cloak and dagger’ campaigns against critics and dissidents abroad, to resist coming to the conclusion that for some time now at least, the campaign of suppression of critical and dissident voices inside Pakistan has assumed an extra-territorial dimension targeting those who fled abroad fearing for their life and safety. In these obtaining circumstances and definitely emerging trends, the deafening silence of the government (apart from the usual spate of denials by the foreign office and government spokespersons of any such activities by ‘revered’ national institutions) speaks volumes. Clearly this is a ‘no-go’ area for the civilian authorities.

If there is one characterisation of the Pakistani state that holds water consistently since Independence, it is the amazing lack of confidence and insecurity of the ruling elite and state institutions. The state narrative insists we are one people, with one language, religion, and purpose (?). This has now been translated into the Single National Curriculum intended to rear future generations with this, and just this unquestioned worldview. The problem with this long standing ideological hegemony effort is that it flies in the face of the facts received from history and present-day ground realities. Pakistan is a multi-national state from day one. Attempts to deny and wipe out this reality cost us the loss of half the country and the majority of our population. Continuing with these ‘thought control’ experiments threatens the future of our beloved country. We are not one, but many, diverse peoples, who are not averse to living together in today’s truncated Pakistan provided there is no attempt to drive us into the trumpeted ‘paradise’ of uniformity at the point of a bayonet.

The more we recognize and embrace our ethnic, religious and other diversities, the more confident and secure a state we will become. The more we allow critical and dissident voices, inside and outside the country, to speak freely, the more our credentials as a secure, confident state will be strengthened. If this sounds utopian to readers, reflect on what the alternative has wrought in our country to date, and what it portends in future.

 

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com



And as published by the paper:


The long arm of the establishment?

 

Rashed Rahman

 

The trial in London of a Pakistani man, Gohir Khan, on charges of being hired to assassinate exiled Pakistani blogger Ahmed Waqas Goraya based in Rotterdam, The Netherlands, has elicited a deafening silence from the Pakistani authorities. This is despite the trial proceedings revealing that he received an advance payment of Pounds Sterling 5,000 in a Pakistani bank account and was promised another 80,000 after the ‘job’ was completed. Khan travelled to Rotterdam, scouted Goraya’s home, but since the latter was away, abandoned the quest and returned to London where he was arrested. The accusations are uncontested by the accused, who has taken refuge behind the plea that he never intended to carry out the assassination and was only interested in making some money to straighten out his dire financial situation. Even if this unbelievable defence is accepted, at least two burning questions remain unanswered. If he had no intent to kill, why did Khan buy a big kitchen knife in Rotterdam, and second, is it conceivable that he was so naïve as to think he could get away with the money without carrying out the assassination?

The whole affair stinks to high heaven. On the basis of the facts iterated in court, it appears to be a transnational plot initiated by ‘elements’ in Pakistan. One such, revealed on Gohir Khan’s cell phone, is a middleman called ‘Muds’, ‘Zed’ and ‘Papa’. The conversations between the two are encoded in fishing metaphors. Some background may further clarify.

Ahmed Waqas Goraya and four other dissident bloggers who criticised religious extremism and the military establishment were ‘disappeared’ in 2017 for their pains. They were also accused of the ubiquitous blasphemy charges reserved for such irritants by the powers that be and their ‘religious’ collaborators. Although these five bloggers were eventually released after a storm of protest by progressives across Pakistan arguing that the space for free speech was shrinking in Pakistan, all sought refuge abroad. None of them broke their pregnant silence about their treatment while ‘disappeared’. Goraya returned to The Netherlands, having abandoned perforce his desire to return to Pakistan permanently after having spent a decade in The Netherlands. Despite dissidents taking up the ‘disappeared’ bloggers’ case, hundreds deactivated their social media accounts and pages, even those residing abroad, for fear of adverse consequences for themselves and their families.

Goraya’s is neither the first such case, nor likely to be the last. This is because according to the British press, there is an ongoing crackdown against Pakistani dissidents abroad. One has only to recall the murders of Sajid Hussain Baloch in exile in Sweden and Karima Baloch in Toronto, Canada to accord credibility to these claims. Both were found drowned in mysterious, unexplained circumstances, with the never tiring champions of the rule of law and human rights, both Sweden and Canada, being involved in what appears to be a cover up.

Those dissidents in exile abroad are precariously placed, the cases of Ayesha Siddiqa and Gul Bukhari being two recently revealed by the British press as having received warnings from the UK police about threats to their life. Journalist Taha Siddiqui who fled to Paris after his attempted abduction in Islamabad is another ‘candidate’. Apart from the above named journalists and writers, similar warnings of threats to life have been issued by the British authorities to the Baloch and Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement exiles and an alleged ‘hit list’ of individual critics of the establishment.

It is difficult, given this and similar information on such ‘cloak and dagger’ campaigns against critics and dissidents abroad, to resist coming to the conclusion that for some time now at least, the campaign of suppression of critical and dissident voices inside Pakistan has assumed an extra-territorial dimension targeting those who fled abroad fearing for their life and safety. In these obtaining circumstances and definitely emerging trends, the deafening silence of the government (apart from the usual spate of denials by the foreign office and government spokespersons of any such activities by ‘revered’ national institutions) speaks volumes.

If there is one characterisation of the Pakistani state that holds water consistently since Independence, it is the amazing lack of confidence and insecurity of the ruling elite and state institutions. The state narrative insists we are one people, with one language, religion, and purpose (?). This has now been translated into the Single National Curriculum intended to rear future generations with this, and just this unquestioned worldview. The problem with this long standing ideological hegemony effort is that it flies in the face of the facts received from history and present-day ground realities. Pakistan is a multinational state from day one. Attempts to deny and wipe out this reality cost us the loss of half the country and the majority of our population. Continuing with these ‘thought control’ experiments threatens the future of our beloved country. We are not one, but many, diverse peoples, who are not averse to living together in today’s truncated Pakistan provided there is no attempt to drive us into the trumpeted ‘paradise’ of uniformity at the point of a bayonet.

The more we recognize and embrace our ethnic, religious and other diversities, the more confident and secure a state we will become. The more we allow critical and dissident voices, inside and outside the country, to speak freely, the more our credentials as a secure, confident state will be strengthened. If this sounds utopian to readers, reflect on what the alternative has wrought in our country to date, and what it portends in future.

  

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com

Friday, January 21, 2022

Book launch at Research and Publication Centre (RPC)

 Book launch of Harris Khalique's Poetry Collection "Hairaa'n Sar-i-Bazaar" at the Research and Publication Centre (RPC), 2nd Floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore on Saturday, January 22, 2022, 3:30 pm.

Moderator: Dr Fahd Ali.

Speakers: Rashed Rahman, Arif Waqar, Hoori Noorani, Wajahat Masood, Beegul, Dr Nasir Abbas Nayyer, Mayo.

Rashed Rahman

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC)

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)


Wednesday, January 19, 2022

Book launch at Research and Publication Centre (RPC)

Book launch of Harris Khalique's Poetry Collection "Hairaa'n Sar-i-Bazaar" at the Research and Publication Centre (RPC), 2nd Floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore on Saturday, January 22, 2022, 3:30 pm.

Moderator: Dr Fahd Ali.

Speakers: Rashed Rahman, Arif Waqar, Hoori Noorani, Wajahat Masood, Beegul, Dr Nasir Abbas Nayyer, Mayo.

Rashed Rahman

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC)

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)


Tuesday, January 18, 2022

Business Recorder Column January 18, 2022

Myanmar testament to vulnerability of democracy

 

Rashed Rahman

 

The military junta that overthrew Aung San Suu Kyi’s democratically elected National League for Democracy (NLD) by a coup on February 1, 2021 on the eve of the NLD’s return to power for a second consecutive term after a landslide victory in the November 2020 general elections continues its extreme repression against all opposition. In the latest development, hundreds of Buddhist monks have fled two major towns in the east of the country, Loikaw in Kayah state (province) and Demoso, amongst thousands of people displaced by fighting between the military and anti-coup rebel groups. Around 30 monasteries lie abandoned, in a reversal of traditional respect for holy men and temples being considered sanctuaries. Fighting has intensified in the eastern region since December 2021. Over Christmas, 35 bodies, including two Save the Children workers, were found burnt in Kayah state, an atrocity blamed on the junta’s troops. The junta is pressing ahead with brutal, indiscriminate air and ground attacks against rebel fighters and the population in this and other sectors.

Since the military coup on February 1, 2021, the junta has killed 1,469 peaceful protestors and arrested 11,000 (200 of the latter died under torture). The junta feels no compunction for its brutal crackdown because it fears no repercussions from the US-led west (despite mealy-mouthed statements of ‘principle’ regarding human and democratic rights) and has so far been able to rely on inaction internationally with the help of Russia, China and other countries (e.g. the UN General Assembly has condemned the coup, but the Security Council is hamstrung by Russian and Chinese obstruction, partly a reaction to Russia being taken for a ride by the west on Libya in the name of ‘humanitarian intervention’, partly China’s support to Myanmar on the by now ‘leaky’ plea of no interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states).

Not only does the junta not suffer from sleepless nights on account of no repercussions, it can rely on some governments arming, legitimising and financing it. The latter is critical, given that the junta’s handling of the economy since the coup has been described as in ‘zombie mode’. Part of this zombie behaviour is the military being used to extract electricity bills on pain of death from people subscribing to withholding payment as part of a civil disobedience movement. This has deprived the junta of a crucial source of revenue. In the immediate aftermath of the coup, millions walked off their jobs in protest and millions more refused to pay their electricity bills on the grounds that these revenues translate into bullets to kill people. Many have compensated for being forced to pay at gunpoint by making donations to the People’s Defence Force (PDF), an anti-regime militia formed since the coup and the brutal crackdown on peaceful protestors.

The armed resistance to the junta includes all the ethnic insurgencies of long standing, most of whom emerged after the military’s first takeover in 1962. Fighting has been most intense in Chin, Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Shan states and the Sagiang Region. Myanmar has a central area inhabited by the Bamar majority ethnic group, surrounded by minority ethnic groups on its periphery and borders, almost all of whom have been waging armed resistance against military dictatorship for decades. Aung San Suu Kyi’s five-year stint in power was expected to yield a resolution of these ethnic conflicts. Its failure may have persuaded the military that the NLD would decline at the polls in November 2020. But the result was the opposite. The NLD swept 80 percent of the civilian seats (25 percent are reserved for the military), had an overwhelming majority, and was poised to come back triumphantly into power. This electoral sweep panicked the military since it perceived it as an indicator that its monopoly over power was being eroded and slipping away in the face of the democratic forces led by the NLD’s triumphant march forward. Army chief General Min Aung Hlaing demanded a power-sharing arrangement on the eve of the coup, which the NLD declined. The General also had a personal agenda. He was due to retire in July 2021 and saw the NLD’s electoral victory as foreclosing his chance to become president. Hence the February 1, 2021 overthrow. It has also been alleged that General Hlaing moved to capture power fearing his reported invested wealth may be exposed. The military dominates Myanmar’s important economic sectors. Aung San Suu Kyi’s 2015-20 government opened up the economy to diversification and competition, which threatened the military-owned monopolies in the largest economic sectors.

Arguably therefore, the Myanmar coup may be summed up as (1) a continuation after a brief semi-democratic five year interregnum of the military’s hold on power since 1962; (2) a testament to the vulnerability of even the most popular (and strengthening) democracy when a military expects no serious repercussions from the so-called ‘international community’ (read the US-led west) and support at some level or the other from the ‘other side’ (read the international ‘competitors’ of the US-led west). The favourite ploy of the former against regimes considered unacceptable, i.e. sanctions, are nowhere in sight. The new global ‘Cold War’ has persuaded the latter to weigh its possibilities and advantages in any situation in that light. In this ‘happily’ divided world, the Myanmar military junta has little to fear except the consequences and fallout of its own actions. If its intent to charge Aung San Suu Kyi with one absurd charge after another in order to sentence her to a possible 100 years imprisonment (which, for the 76-year old leader, amounts to a death sentence) is carried out, Myanmar’s brave resistance brothers and sisters will not rest till justice, peace and democracy is restored to a country unremittingly in the grip of a brutal military dictatorship. The arrogance of possessing arms will not stand forever in the face of the winds of change history promises.

 

 

 

 

 

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com

Tuesday, January 11, 2022

Business Recorder Column January 11, 2022

Bring me news of fresh disasters

 

Rashed Rahman

 

Chief Minister (CM) Punjab Usman Buzdar, under fire along with the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf (PTI) federal government over the Murree tragedy, has formed a five-member committee to ‘investigate’ the causes and lapses that led to the death of at least 22 stranded tourists. During a visit to the stricken areas on January 9, 2022 amidst ongoing relief efforts by the military and civilian agencies, the CM also announced Murree would be elevated to a district and ‘senior’ officers posted as preventive measures against the recurrence of such a tragedy. In the same breath, he announced Rs 17.6 million compensation for the families of the victims.

The response of the chief executive of Punjab leaves one breathless. It has become the ‘fashion’ to set up all sorts of committees after any event or development of importance. One may be excused for wondering if an ‘investigation’ is actually required into the Murree disaster. Surely the facts are by now well known and crystal clear. Warnings of an impending heavy snowfall (if not blizzard) by the meteorological authorities failed to rouse the Punjab (or federal) government from their Lotus-eaters state of somnolence. The CM was reportedly in a meeting when the disaster struck. Surviving victims are reported to have said no warnings and/or barriers to the influx of thousands of vehicles stuffed full with families, including children, were available or put in place. In its enthusiasm to promote internal tourism, the PTI government has gone many steps further than past governments in lifting any and all restrictions on entering Murree or the Galliyat area. In more clement weather, this has destroyed the once serene atmosphere of the hill station, encouraged the irresistible rise of commercial activity, and now proved a recipe for disaster in extreme weather.

One remembers Murree and the surrounding Galliyat from childhood and youth as a calm, sparsely populated, beautifully serene, heavenly retreat from the hustle and bustle of the cities. If memory serves, Murree had a system of entry permits for all vehicles, which were parsimoniously delivered to save the hills from the effects of motorised transport and overcrowding. The Murree Mall is where the gentry strolled in their finest, armed with umbrellas and walking sticks to take tea and meals in the famous Sam’s and Lintott’s restaurants. Today that same Mall is teeming with shops, ‘hotels’, eateries and what have you, so crowded that it puts the bazaars of larger cities to shame. To still call it a hill station seems a stretch.

I had the opportunity to visit Simla in India some years ago for a conference. Simla and Murree were the two most famous hill stations before Independence. Simla was also known as the seat of many history-making conferences and meetings between the Muslim League (remember the Quaid’s photo embarking in a manually pulled rickshaw to attend), Congress and the British colonial authorities in the run up to Independence. Simla’s name has also gone down in history as the venue of the post-1971 breakaway of East Pakistan meeting between Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Indira Gandhi that led to the Simla Accord of 1972. On my visit, I was pleasantly surprised to notice that although Simla was larger than the old Murree, it had retained the atmosphere and ambiance of a hill station unperturbed. Casual inquiries revealed that the restrictions on building and entry of vehicles inherited from the past were still strictly enforced, whereas we have long ago abandoned these to shortsighted considerations in Murree.

What cannot be condoned irrespective of these musings and comparisons is the sheer incompetence, carelessness and even callousness of the PTI Punjab and federal authorities in the face of an impending disaster. It appears the government was asleep at the wheel. Hand wringing after the event, even financial compensation for deaths cannot assuage the shock and grief of the victims’ families, who saw an innocent trip to have fun in the hills turned into a nightmare of ghoulish proportions. Usman Buzdar should be told that these attempts at assuaging the wounds of the victims’ families just do not cut it. The ‘investigative’ committee, which has been ordered to report in seven days (a reflection of the flak the government is receiving), is a complete waste of time. The answers are already known.

Humanity’s ability to lapse into taking advantage of tragedy and difficulties was reportedly fully on display in the shape of astronomical charges for accommodation, food and any other necessities to the struggling trapped families. Even women and children’s plight did not melt these stonehearted merchants of profiteering. Of course there were also reports of local citizens coming to the rescue and succour of the helpless, trapped victims. But the pendulum most certainly swung towards callous exploitation of people’s plight, the few good deeds notwithstanding. Now the authorities are frothing at the mouth to take ‘strict’ action against the exploiters. This too sounds like so much sound and fury, signifying nothing.

The PTI government is in trouble on quite a few fronts of late. Starting with the trouncing it received at the hands of its nemesis Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s Jamiat-i-Ulema-i-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) in the recently held first round of local bodies elections in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, which signalled to astute observers that the establishment seemed to have adopted a ‘hands-off’ policy leaving the PTI to its own devices, to the PTI party funding scandal exposed by the Election Commission of Pakistan’s scrutiny committee, the mini-budget and the IMF conundrum, the urea crisis, and the mother of them all, the Afghan crisis and its implications for that country’s internal situation, bilateral Pak-Afghan tensions over the border fencing and the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), and the isolation of Kabul and collateral isolation of Pakistan, point, amongst other failings, to the clock ticking for the incumbents.

Murree and other debacles indicate that neither the country nor the people of Pakistan are safe with this government in the driving seat.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com

Tuesday, January 4, 2022

The January 2022 issue of Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) is out

The January 2022 issue of Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) is out. Link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com

Contents:

1. Rashed Rahman: The National Question in Marxism – VI.

2. Dr Taimur Rahman: Book Review of Helen Pluckrose, James A Lindsay: Cynical Theories: How Activist Scholarship Made Everything about Race, Gender, and Identity – and Why This Harms Everybody. 

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC)

Mehvash Amin invites you to the launch of "The Fundamentals of Sufism" a book by Rehman Anwer at 3:30 pm on Wednesday, January 5, 2022 at the Research and Publication Centre (RPC), 2nd floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore (above Indesign, adjacent to Standard Chartered Bank). RSVP Mehvash Amin 0333 4771000.

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC)