Daily Times Editorial May 1, 2014

Cutting off defaulters Minister of State for Water and Power Abid Sher Ali (ASA) has inserted his hand into a hornet’s nest. His ministry was berated the other day by Prime Minister (PM) Nawaz Sharif for the unannounced increase in electricity load shedding, which in some areas is running at 18-20 hours per day. With tempratures rising on the onset of summer, tempers too have been put on an upward trajectory. Apparently ASA took the PM’s berating to heart, particularly his orders not to spare any defaulter. As a result, ASA ordered high government offices in Islamabad cut off for bills default. The list reads like an institutional who’s who: the Presidency, PM’s Secretariat, the Supreme Court, Parliament House, etc. Though most of these high profile consumers had their electricity restored by evening, this was not before they coughed up the cash they owed. If ASA is to be believed, the list of government offices that owe money reads like a rogue’s gallery. For example, Capital Development Authority of Islamabad owes Rs 2.36 billion, the Sindh government Rs 56 billion, Punjab government Rs 3.4 billion, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Balochistan governments Rs 2. 5 billion each, the Presidency Rs 2.8 million, Parliament Lodges Rs 20 million, and the list goes on. The minister says the DISCOs have to recover Rs 475 billion from defaulters and the government Rs 33 billion. It is obvious that the institutions on the list are powerful ‘big fish’ and it has only been possible to move against them because the PM has ordered an ‘indiscriminate’ action to speed up recoveries, failure to do so feeding into the burgeoning circular debt and as a result increased load shedding because about 3,000 MW of generation capacity is lying idle for lack of funds to purchase fuel, etc. One reflection of the indiscriminate nature of the drive is that not only electricity, gas defaulters are also being cut off, including the PM’s office! More than 100 government offices have reportedly been disconnected for electricity bill default in Islamabad alone. Meanwhile the Sindh government and Assembly have reacted to the disconnections in the province as well as what they say are inappropriate or even insulting remarks by ASA about the people of Sindh. It may be recalled that similar complaints surfaced when ASA started his disconnection drive in KP. Both provinces’ governments are complaining about ‘discrimination’ although given the action in the federal capital, that argument has been somewhat weakened. However, a word of advice to the doughty minister: the task you have taken up is inherently tough and you are not going to win any popularity stakes anyway, but you may not be doing your cause much good by inserting remarks about the people of provinces other than Punjab in your statements when all that is needed is a business like approach saying that no defaulter, high or low, government or private, will be spared in the interests of controlling if not ending the energy crisis. That would avoid smokescreens being thrown up by those on the receiving end of your drive centred on sub-nationalism. We have been arguing in this space that the biggest defaulter of electricity dues is the government itself, and the figures quoted by ASA bear this out. However, this should not lull us into thinking that defaulters do not exist in the private sector too. The government default reflects a culture of impunity and being above the law across ministries, departments, institutions and the provinces, since we are the ‘government’. Private sector (and perhaps even government default) means collusion between the consumer and the electricity staff. While ASA cleans up the Augean stables of government and private sector default mercilessly by simply cutting off all defaulters without discrimination until and unless they pay up, it would not hurt to revisit the widely held perception that it is easy to bribe electricity staff in order to get no or at least reduced bills. Obviously theft and default deprive the country of full generation capacity because of circular debt, and the honest consumer of the facility of uninterrupted power supply, which he/she thoroughly deserves. While welcoming therefore the very late but welcome drive against defaulters, it defies logic when ASA reveals that high density default areas are being subjected to 18-20 hours load shedding while less dense default areas are ‘only’ subjected to 6-8 hours. What is the basis for this? The honest consumers in the high default areas are unnecessarily being punished for no fault of their own, while the defaulters in less dense areas are getting away lightly. Far better to stick to the punishment of cutting off individual consumers rather than this novel ‘collective punishment’ approach.

Daily Times Editorial April 30, 2014

The anti-terrorist struggle A high-powered meeting of the political and military leadership chaired by Prime Minister (PM) Nawaz Sharif has once again taken stock of the dialogue and security process. From reports trickling out of the meeting, it appears that patience with the stalling tactics and failure to extend the ceasefire by the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) is running out. The PM is believed to have emphasised to the meeting that dialogue and violence cannot go hand in hand and that talks while terrorist violence continues cannot succeed. Briefings on the talks and security situation were delivered in the meeting by Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar and the ISI chief respectively. Reports also speak of the PM lavishing high praise on the ISI’s role in protecting the country and its security. The need for such praise has to be placed in the context of the controversies that have swirled around the ISI in recent days. Whether the PM’s sentiments were heartfelt or an exercise in fence mending does not matter in the ultimate order of things. What is important is that the government is sending out a message of support to the military and its intelligence arm in the middle of the latter’s sensitivity regarding the perception that they are being unnecessarily put in the dock and unfairly criticised. What might help the process of ‘reconciliation’ that appears to be underway is the report that in the coming financial year, the armed forces’ budget will see an increase of 20 percent. While there is justification for such a hefty increase, taking both inflation and the tasks regarding internal security that the armed forces are being called upon to perform, questions remain where the extra money will come from and which sectors are likely to suffer ‘cuts’ to provide the increased allocation. Nevertheless, the government and military seem agreed that the talks process cannot be left as an open-ended project but must instead be pursued with a concise agenda, well defined parameters and definite timelines and targets to be achieved. Although reports speak of the PM once again emphasising that the economic gains the government has made or wants or to make are critically dependent on an improvement in national security, he still hoped against hope that the talks will yield positive results. Well, we hope the PM’s optimism is well placed and not simply the triumph of hope over reality. Only time will tell. The portents do not support his optimism. The military is continuing attacks against the Taliban under its mandate to retaliate against any attacks. Thus the armed forces pounded the Bobar area between South and North Waziristan the other day in retaliation for the bomb blasts in the area that killed three security personnel including an army officer a day earlier and also blasted another security forces vehicle carrying eight personnel. So far there have been no reports of casualties in the latter incident, but both taken together point to the threat that still lurks in and around the area, believed to be a stronghold of the two rival Mehsud factions of the TTP, the Shehryar and Sajna groups, and even to house training camps of the Uzbek Taliban. In fact reports of a looming offensive in the theatre have persuaded the Pakistani Taliban and foreign militants to relocate nearer or across the Afghan border to escape the impending wrath of the military. Since the government is still wedded to a dual track strategy of dialogue and action (the latter so far purely retaliatory and not proactive), the present confused impasse is likely to linger for some time. But the window of opportunity to tackle the homegrown Taliban threat will not remain open indefinitely. This year’s end will see the withdrawal of the bulk of the US/NATO forces from Afghanistan, arguably tempting the Taliban to go for a big push on Kabul. That fighting across the border will not only have the potential to spill over to our side, it could also provide the Pakistani (and foreign) Taliban the opportunity to relocate across the border, out of reach of the Pakistani forces, from where they could operate against us. Before that disadvantageous turn is reached, the government must set itself a timeline to give the TTP so long to come good on a ceasefire and cessation of violence as an earnest of their sincerity vis-à-vis a peaceful solution, beyond which the velvet glove should come off and the mailed fist be brought into play.

Daily Times Editorial April 24, 2014

Government-army-media triangle The Ministry of Defence has on Tuesday sought the revocation of the licence of a private TV channel over the Hamid Mir affair by moving a complaint to the National Electronic Regulatory Authority (NEPRA). It may be recalled that after the prominent journalist was shot in Karachi on Saturday, his TV channel broadcast his brother Amir Mir’s allegation that Hamid Mir had named the ISI and its chief Lieutenant-General Zaheerul Islam as being responsible if something happened to him. For the brother of the wounded journalist to have revealed this in the immediate aftermath of the incident in the heat of the moment is one thing, but for the TV channel to have gone on repeating the charge for hours afterwards without any evidence or proof was, to put it mildly, a lapse of editorial judgement. Does this mean that the defence ministry’s request should be granted? The question opens up a whole host of issues that Pakistanis and all our institutions need to reflect on at the present conjuncture. Freedom is a heady wine, and once tasted, the desire for more grows exponentially. This is what has transformed the media scene in Pakistan over the last decade or more. However, freedom if exercised without responsibility is no longer just an inebriant, in excess it becomes poison. Something along these lines has emerged in Pakistan in recent years. First, a certain myth that has gained currency and traction in Pakistan for some time needs to be laid to rest. During the 18th century, the press came to be dubbed the fourth estate in Europe, principally in Britain and France (which was undergoing its Revolution). Estates were categories of communities in society that could be treated as a group because of shared interests. Thus in France, the monarchy, aristocracy, peasantry, etc, were dubbed estates. The rise of the press in the 18th century (its role in the French Revolution is well documented) produced the title of fourth estate for it. Unfortunately this has been translated wrongly in Pakistan as the ‘fourth pillar of the state’. Wrong as the notion is, since the press (media) is not part of the state but arguably located somewhere between (and perhaps bridging) political and civil society as a watchdog of the people’s interests in an inherently adversarial relationship with the state, governments of the day, and authority in general, it has had the inadvertent effect, particularly since 2002, of giving the media the false notion of more power than the ground realities suggest. If this has gone to the heads of certain sections of the media, the nature of things would tend to dictate a correction is due sooner or later. We have argued in this space consistently that there is no such thing as freedom without responsibility, and any such untrammeled freedom cannot be long lasting. Unfortunately, along with the decline of the institution of professional editor, adventurism based on false notions of excessive empowerment has crept into sections of the media. Whatever the mistakes or lapses of such sections, the other tragedy is the manner in which the Hamid Mir affair has brought the split in the media on the basis of professional rivalry out into the open. Some media houses have chosen to use the opportunity of the difficulties the group Hamid Mir belongs to to attack it roundly on the basis of being anti-national, unpatriotic, and even anti-state. It is not for the media to act as prosecutor, judge, jury and executioner in such matters. The lack of solidarity amongst media houses and the journalists associated with them is likely in the long run to damage all of us in the profession. Since the defence ministry has chosen to take its complaint to NEPRA, justice demands that the process be allowed to play itself out according to the law and rules, and the channel be allowed to fight its case without others in the field nipping away at its heels. We may or may not agree with the approach and policies of one media group or the other or even individual journalists, but this should not blind us to the need to stand in solidarity with victim Hamid Mir and his media group that has collaterally been pinioned in the dock.

First Editorial April 23, 2014

Tackling the energy crisis It is a matter of great satisfaction that Prime Minister (PM) Nawaz Sharif inaugurated two combined cycle gas-fired turbines at Guddu Thermal Power Plant in Sindh of 243 MW each. A third turbine will be completed in May, boosting the capacity of the plant from the present 1,655 MW to 2,402 MW (an increase of 747 MW). The PM in his speech on the occasion promised that the era of darkness was about to end, the rule of light would soon be ushered in, and Pakistan would be transformed into a bright, shining country. Nawaz Sharif revealed that dozens of power plants were being set up with China’s help, which had committed billions of dollars in investment in the sector. The PM’s vow to complete all projects soon was underlined by his praise of the Chinese company that had completed the Guddu project seven months before schedule, saving almost the equivalent of the entire cost of the project, i.e. Rs 58.6 billion. Nawaz Sharif regretted the slow pace of progress on power projects in the past and emphasised that his government was working to make up for lost time. He said 21,000 MW would be added in the next eight years. Load shedding over the last 10 years, the PM said, had not only made life difficult for citizens, it had seriously undermined the country’s progress. The government was trying to enhance the efficiency of existing power plants, expedite work on ongoing projects (the Neelum-Jehlum long delayed project is an example), and set up new plants under public-private partnership. The Gaddani Power Park would add 6,600 MW and 1,320 MW would be added at Jamshoro. These are coal-fired plants being set up with the help of local and foreign investors and the Asian Development Bank respectively. Similar plants would be set up at Lakhra, Port Qasim and in Thar. Tarbela Extension-IV of 1,410 MW and Extension-V of 1,320 MW and the Diamer-Bhasha Dam of 4,500 MW are in the pipeline, although there are still funding difficulties in the last named. Private sector projects are being planned in Soki Kinari, Karot and Kohala. The PM pointed to his government’s retirement of Rs 500 billion circular debt early in its tenure, although this achievement has been dimmed by circular debt rising once again to Rs 300 billion. The government’s emphasis on thermal, gas and coal based power generation is a necessity to overcome the crippling energy deficit, but its planning must emphasise the cheaper forms of power generation as a priority if the electricity mix is to be nudged over time to become affordable. In 1994, when the second government of Benazir Bhutto initiated the Independent Power Projects (IPPs) based on thermal generation, the combined cycle gas-fired technology was already available with a cost one-third of fuel oil-based generation. That mistake gave us the present increasingly unaffordable energy mix over time. To the argument that the present looming gas deficit would have made that option unfeasible by now, it can be contended that imported gas supplies may still have proved cheaper. However, that is water under the bridge by now. While the government pursues thermal generation on a war footing, it is good that it is also pursuing hydel, coal, solar and renewable forms of energy. Only a nuanced policy that avails all options can meet demand, expand available energy to those deprived so far and make the mix affordable. In addition, the government needs to invest in the national grid to minimise line losses (amongst the highest in the world), cut off supply to defaulters (especially government ministries and departments that are the main culprits of this problem), and ensure the collection of dues to overcome the persistent problem of circular debt. One manifestation of this issue is the default that threatens Pakistan State Oil (PSO) unless it receives Rs 149 billion by next month, a default that would halt oil supplies and exacerbate the energy deficit during the long hot summer months when demand is at its peak. The energy crisis is serious, the solutions will take time, but as long as the government is moving in the right direction, there is hope for the economy and the people of a brighter future.

Daily Times Editorial April 22, 2014

The Army’s riposte Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) Director General (DG) Major General Asim Bajwa came out all guns blazing on Sunday against what he called the regrettable and baseless allegations against the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and its DG Lieutenant-General Zaheerul Islam of being responsible for the murderous attack on prominent journalist Hamid Mir in Karachi on Saturday, in which fortunately, despite the best efforts of his attackers, he came out wounded but alive. General Bajwa said legal and constitutional action was being deliberated upon against this “shameful allegation” that resulted in the global gross insult and degrading of an army institution. He ascribed the attack to ‘miscreants’. He thanked the people and (sections of the) media for strongly condemning what he called this “shameful propaganda aimed at an unsuccessful attempt to malign the ISI” and standing by the army and its institutions, which were cognizant of all affairs and in the forefront for strengthening democracy and freedom of speech. However, he criticised the fact that the allegations against the ISI and its chief, without any proof, were broadcast with the DG ISI’s picture for a continuous eight hours on the group’s television channel. He welcomed the announcement by the government that a three-member judicial commission would be formed to investigate the matter and report within 21 days of it being nominated by the Chief Justice of Pakistan. It may be recalled that the government has also announced a reward of Rs 10 million to anyone providing credible information that could lead to the arrest of the accused. Meanwhile journalists’ bodies continued their countrywide protests against the attack. While Hamid Mir recuperates in hospital and awaits possible further surgeries, in all of which we pray and hope that he will come through hale and hearty, the treatment of the news of the attack by the group that employs him has given rise to a new controversy, to which General Bajwa referred. It is understandable that in the shock and heat of the moment after the news broke, his brother, Amir Mir, also a journalist, and the group’s TV channel continued to point accusing fingers at the ISI and its chief into the night. Ordinarily, given the state of our electronic media these days, this could have been ascribed to excitement and a lack of judicious editorial control, but for the accusations and allegations to have been repeated ad nauseam gives pause for thought. The question arises, who is in charge of the store when such things are happening? Only belatedly does it seem better sense prevailed and the group has published and broadcast a statement distancing itself from the accusations against the ISI, reiterating its respect for the army and its institutions in an attempt to undo the damage or at least control it. Damage control became necessary, even more so after Amir Mir’s claim that the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) had been sent a video earlier by Hamid Mir laying out his allegation of ISI’s responsibility if anything happened to him was refuted by the CPJ. The US State Department has condemned the attack too, reiterating the critical need for freedom of expression in a democracy. While all thoughts return again and again to recuperating Hamid Mir, we must reflect on some of the lessons of this episode vis-à-vis responsible media. Since private TV channels arrived in 2002, ethical and responsible journalism has taken a back seat on most if not all these channels in the race to break the news first and thereby garner ‘ratings’ (a false and misleading criterion on examination, given their narrow and skewed base sample). A hysterical and sensationalist air permeates most if not all private TV channels without the realisation just how powerful the medium is and how devastating can be its impact if news is not presented soberly and responsibly. When one of its own was attacked, and that too a prominent figure, Hamid Mir’s group failed to rise to the occasion and standards required in such a situation. Post facto retreats are never quite as effective as responsible journalism in the first instance. Nevertheless, as fellow journalists, we hope the army will take a lenient view of the lapse, ascribe it to getting carried away in the heat of the moment, and move on, as General Bajwa indicated, to full cooperation with the judicial commission and its investigation. This time round, the commission will have the eyes of the whole world on it and hopefully will therefore produce a meaningful outcome, not the damp squib the commission on Saleem Shahzad turned out to be.

Daily Times Editorial April 21, 2014

Attack on Hamid Mir The attempted assassination of TV anchor and journalist Hamid Mir in Karachi on Saturday, April 19, 2014, is a grim reminder of the dangers facing media persons in Pakistan. Not for nothing has it been dubbed the most dangerous country in the world for journalists. Clearly, the schedule and travel plans of Hamid Mir were known to his attackers, given that he had just left the airport on the way to his office and was ambushed en route. His family and employers have been at pains to highlight a written message Hamid Mir had conveyed some time ago that if anything happened to him, the trail led to the ISI and particularly its chief, Lt-General Zaheerul Islam. ISPR has refuted the charge and described it as unfortunate and misleading when there is no proof of the assertion. Condemnation of the attack and calls for a thorough and independent investigation have come tumbling out from all quarters, including the government and military top brass. The latter, in particular, are obviously interested in clearing the name of the ISI. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has announced a three-member judicial commission will be set up to investigate the incident. He has also announced a reward of Rs 10 million to anyone providing credible information that could help track down the attackers. While these lines are being written, there are also reports of a high level meeting being held by the prime minister to discuss the issue. Meanwhile the Sindh Information Minister Sharjeel Menon has promised a thorough inquiry and investigation, but has asked for federal help in the endeavour. This is a reasonable demand since the entrails of whatever conspiracy lies behind the attempted murder of Hamid Mir could be difficult to trace at just a provincial level. Hamid Mir received three bullets, and the presence of mind of his driver allowed him to shake off the pursuing attackers and managed to get him to a hospital in time. Hamid Mir is reportedly recovering in hospital after a successful surgery to remove the bullets. We all wish him a full and speedy recovery. Journalist bodies countrywide have mounted protests against the attack, calling it not just an attack on Hamid Mir but a full, frontal attack on the media and freedom of expression. Everywhere the cry has gone up that such tactics and attacks meant to silence the media will not be allowed to succeed. Attacks on the media and journalists seem to be intensifying since the start of this year and acquiring a sinister pattern. Earlier attacks on the Express group and particularly its TV anchor Raza Rumi in Lahore, in which he was fortunately relatively unscathed but in which his driver was killed, point to the slate of possible suspects. In Raza Rumi’s case, the gang responsible has recently been rounded up in Lahore and identified as belonging to the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, a banned extreme sectarian group. However, given the controversy that has arisen as a result of the revelation of Hamid Mir’s allegations against the ISI, the matter assumes even more important dimensions requiring investigations that get to the bottom of the mystery. It may be recalled that some months ago reports spoke of a hit list of the Taliban that included media house owners, prominent journalists and even the unnamed editor of an English newspaper. Since Raza Rumi’s and Hamid Mir’s names were both reportedly on the hit list, it has by now acquired very sinister and important dimensions. Needless to say, the government and all state authorities not only need to cooperate in the investigation into this latest atrocity against a prominent journalist, the authorities and media houses also need to revisit the risks run by working journalists and chalk out security and other safety measures to safeguard those who strive to bring the truth into the light of day, a seemingly noble endeavour, but not without risk to life and limb from variegated enemies, as the track record of journalists killed, attacked and threatened in Pakistan over the years shows.

Daily Times Editorial April 19, 2014

‘Wait and see’ After the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan’s (TTP’s) refusal to extend the ceasefire that expired on April 10, both the government and the TTP have nevertheless reiterated their desire for the talks process to continue. However, the government’s Cabinet Committee on National Security (CCNS) after its meeting on Thursday underlined that the talks could only be continued if the TTP sticks to peace, otherwise force would have to be used (with an extra punch). Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif told the CCNS that Pakistan was facing formidable challenges domestically and far reaching developments in the region. And he called a cabinet meeting on Friday to discuss the finalised proposals of the CCNS. The thrust of these proposals is that all options will be explored and all resources employed to ensure peace and security. National security is of paramount importance if the economic gains made by the government since it came to power and those in the pipeline were to be consolidated. Relations with neighbours would be strengthened. In this context the important statement was that there would be no interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan, whose people were congratulated for holding a successful presidential election, with Pakistan committed to supporting democracy in the war-torn country. Also, relations with India would be promoted (after, of course, the general elections taking place there). The CCNS endorsed the vision of putting Pakistan on the crossroads of opportunity rather than conflict. The issue of the release of Taliban prisoners also came under discussion. In the current pause that has arisen in the talks process, Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali intends to contact Maulana Samiul Haq and other members of the Taliban negotiation committee for an extension of the ceasefire. Chaudhry Nisar stated categorically that there could be no meaningful talks without a ceasefire. Maulana Samiul Haq and the Jamaat-i-Islami’s talks interlocutor Professor Ibrahim both advise patience, tolerance, and renewed efforts to get the talks back on track. The prime minister advised Chaudhry Nisar to address whatever grievances the TTP had in order to persuade them to extend the ceasefire and return to the negotiating table. The military on the other hand reportedly feels that the refusal to extend the ceasefire exposes the insincerity of the TTP vis-à-vis the talks. If the prime minister’s advice is heeded, these and other ‘differences’ between the civilian and military sides of the state should be resolved through the existing dispute resolution mechanisms, of which the CCNS offers scope for a free and frank discussion. Meanwhile the opposition in the Senate continues to harbour grave doubts and reservations about the government’s approach and strategy regarding the peace process. The question was raised in the upper house on Thursday what options the government had considered if the talks fail. The repeated comment was that the government’s approach smacked of dithering and lack of transparency in taking, at the very least, parliament into confidence. One cannot be sanguine about the TTP’s intentions or sincerity. However, such caveats do not apply to the government. Where the government can be faulted perhaps is in creating, through its ‘one step forward, two steps back’ peace process, a sense of drift or at the very least lack of strategic vision. If the CCNS outcome is examined, it is obvious that the government (and the military) have yet to move even one inch forward from their previous stated strategy of containment and retaliation towards the TTP. The containment idea implies bottling up the TTP in FATA, but who will guarantee there will be no repeat of the attacks in Islamabad and elsewhere in the country, given that it is widely believed (and has been endorsed by intelligence sources) that the TTP and its affiliates have sleeper cells dotted all over? As to retaliation, even with more punch, this is a passive reactive approach that leaves the initiative in the hands of the militants. Critics have been homing in on precisely this surrender of the political and military initiative to the extremists, with the government (and state) resembling nothing more than a punch-drunk boxer lashing out on the ropes against an opponent who is playing him for all it is worth. Strategic paralysis of this variety is a recipe for disaster.