World Bank’s
‘advice’
The World Bank
has advised Pakistan to forego its demand of referring the Kishanganga Dam
dispute to the International Court of Arbitration and accept India’s offer of
appointing a neutral expert. The issue has been hanging fire off and on since
1993, when the Kishanganga Dam project was started. Pakistan rejected the
design of the project as in violation of the provisions of the Indus Waters
Treaty, as it would not only change the course of the river, but also reduce
the water flow south of the dam. The Indus Waters Treaty divided the six rivers
feeding the Indus basin (which largely falls in Pakistan) to give Pakistan
exclusive rights over the waters of the three western rivers, the Indus, Jhelum
and Chenab, while allowing India the right to use the waters of these rivers to
set up hydroelectric projects that would not include reservoirs or restrict the
flow of their waters into Pakistan. Pakistan has been consistently voicing
concerns about the design of the Kishanganga (and Ratle) projects as it argues
they violate these conditions. India interpreted the Indus Waters Treaty as
allowing it to construct run-of-the river projects for hydroelectric power, but
Pakistan argues the design of these two projects is not according to the
provisions of the Treaty. Given the lingering gulf between the positions of the
two sides – International Court of Arbitration vs. neutral expert –World Bank
President Jim Yong Kim had informed Pakistan on December 12, 2016 through a
letter to then finance minister Ishaq Dar that he had decided to ‘pause’ the
process of appointing the International Court of Arbitration chairman as well
as the neutral expert. Unfortunately, the continuing ‘pause’ has not stopped
construction of the Kishanganga Dam, despite Pakistani protests and even
evidence including satellite images provided to the World Bank showing
construction proceeding. In other words, while the World Bank paused the
process to allow the two countries to thrash out the matter, India continued
merrily to change and create new facts on the ground. As to the four rounds of
secretary-level talks between Pakistan and India in February, April, July and
September 2017 in Washington, no conclusion was forthcoming despite the World
Bank being willing to appoint an international court to determine which forum
under the Treaty was proper – International Court of Arbitration or neutral
expert. India did not accept this either. To add salt to the wounds, the World
Bank declined Pakistan’s forceful plea on May 22, 2018 asking it to express
concern at the inauguration of the Kishanganga Dam by Indian Prime Minister
Narendra Modi.
A consistent
pattern is thus revealed over the years of Pakistan appealing to the Treaty
arbiter, the World Bank, to compel the upper riparian India to adhere to the
provisions of the Indus Waters Treaty and the arbiter seemingly turning a blind
eye to Pakistan’s concerns in the face of Indian stubbornness. The Indus Waters
Treaty is one of the rare agreements between Pakistan and India that has by and
large met the challenges of the ups and downs in relations (including wars)
between the two countries and is therefore often touted as a success story.
However, India’s tactics of hiding behind technicalities while merrily going on
building controversial projects smacks of a cynical approach. Conspiracy-minded
observers in Pakistan argue the US is using its clout with the World Bank to
favour India, given the state of fraught relations between Washington and Islamabad,
although they fail to produce any evidence to clinch their argument. It could
also be argued that Pakistan has not consistently and in timely fashion pursued
its case, allowing India wriggle room to create ever new facts on the ground. Pakistan
is currently going through a general election, with a caretaker government in
the process of being installed. That may prove a further obstacle in Pakistan’s
efforts to pursue its case, which is more than likely going to be left to the
new elected government to take up in right earnest. However, caretaker Prime
Minister former Chief Justice of Pakistan Nasirul Mulk could, and indeed
should, examine the issue and the state of negotiations and plan a course for
doing all that is possible even in his caretaker government’s short tenure of
two months to ensure that India is denied even this much further breathing
space.
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