Baloch reconciliation
Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani extended an olive branch to Baloch nationalists, including their exiled leadership, from the floor of parliament while discussing the government’s Balochistan package. The prime minister referred to the government’s intention to release all political prisoners except those booked under serious crimes, place the Frontier Constabulary (FC) under the chief minister, and withdraw cases against 89 Baloch political workers. The number of missing people was 992, of whom 262 had already returned home, the prime minister asserted. Among other steps, he announced that the army was being withdrawn from Kohlu and Sui, to be replaced by the FC, the role of the intelligence agencies in Balochistan would be reviewed, and the Rs 120 billion due to the province on account of royalty and gas development surcharge from 1954 to 1991 would be paid over the next 12 years at Rs 10 billion a year. He also announced launching of a probe into the killings of Nawab Akbar Bugti, Balaach Marri, Ghulam Mohammad, Lala Munir and Munir Ahmed.
Following on from the prime minister’s directives, the Balochistan provincial government announced that it was withdrawing 89 cases against various nationalist leaders, including Brahmdagh Bugti, Akhtar Mengal and Jamil Bugti. However, the portents for the acceptability of the measure do not look good after various Baloch nationalist leaders rejected the initiative, calling it cosmetic and a repeat of an earlier announcement to similar effect by Chief Minister Aslam Raisani, which was never implemented.
Sceptics and critics of the government’s approach feel that the efforts at political reconciliation with the estranged ‘elders’ and self-exiled leaders of the armed resistance should have preceded and even paved the way for the measures to be announced as a package. The government failed to follow this route, and announced the package after consulting only some Baloch leaders, who were in any case well disposed or even allied to the government. The package therefore has come in for a lot of flak amongst nationalist circles in the province since in their view, it smacks of ‘charity’, rather than the inherent political and economic rights that are their due. Reconciliation minus the real leadership of Balochistan will remain a precarious enterprise. Releasing prisoners selectively and holding on to those purportedly charged with serious crimes will render the measure ineffective, since most of the crucial prisoners are so charged, rightly or wrongly. A comprehensive accounting for missing persons is the only way the review of the role of the intelligence agencies will make any sense, since it is these agencies that are the authors of the missing persons regime. If the first 37 years of royalty are to be paid over the next 12 years, what about the royalty from 1991 to now? Will that take another 12 years after the present amount? By that time, will not more years’ royalty have been added? How will the government ever catch up in this manner? This will not satisfy anyone, let alone those nationalists who argue that the Centre has treated Balochistan like a colony since the creation of Pakistan, and its palliatives will only end up sprinkling more salt into Balochistan’s festering wounds. The government must stop contradictory stances like accusations of Indian involvement in Balochistan while seeking reconciliation. Otherwise it will be seen as insincere and manipulative. Balochistan is tinder waiting to burst into flame. Water, not oil, is required to douse the fire.
Friday, April 22, 2011
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