Tuesday, March 26, 2024

Business Recorder Column March 26, 2024

Massacre in Russia

 

Rashed Rahman

 

The toll of the horrendous terrorist attack on March 23, 2024 at the Crocus City Hall in Moscow’s northern suburb of Krasnogorsk has risen to 137 dead, including three children, and 182 wounded, of whom 100 are in hospital, some in serious condition. All this bloodshed and mayhem, including the terrorists setting the Hall on fire after they had shot at everyone in sight, was produced by just four attackers armed with automatic weapons, knives and firebombs. Although Islamic State (IS) has claimed responsibility, Moscow is sceptical, suspicious and wondering out loud at the possible involvement of its battlefield opponent Ukraine. President Vladimir Putin revealed that the four attackers fled after the massacre in a car in the direction of the Ukraine border, where, he alleged, a ‘corridor’ to safety awaited the perpetrators. Ukraine, as expected, has denied any involvement and accused Moscow of trying to shift the blame. Russia declared a day of mourning the day after, with streams of mourners making their way to the semi-demolished Hall to pay their respects to the victims and lay bouquets of flowers at the site.

TV footage of the roughed up and bloodied attackers showed them responding fearfully to preliminary interrogation by claiming they were hired by unknown people through the social media site Telegram (used for messaging by IS) to kill as many people as possible amongst the crowd attending a music concert at the City Hall in return for payment of Rubles 500,000 (a little over $ 5,000). Without clinching evidence one way or the other so far, this ‘confession’ does not sound like an IS suicide squad putting their lives on the line for their version of ‘Jihad’. The Russian security forces recovered weapons and ammunition from the captured terrorists but failed to find any suicide jackets on them, a signature ‘uniform’ for such terrorists in case of being close to arrest.

Whether the simplest and obvious explanation that the four purported IS attackers of Tajik origin were indeed engaged in hitting back at Russia for its role in defeating IS in Syria in support of the Bashar al Assad regime proves correct or some deeper conspiracy is behind the massacre may only emerge after the ongoing investigations reach some conclusive closure. Meantime Moscow voices in guarded manner its suspicion that Ukraine and its US-led west supporters timed the massacre to humiliate freshly elected President Vladimir Putin by denting his credentials as Russia’s defender and protector. While we await further clarification, let us not forget that the Ukraine war continues, with the latest exchange of missiles and drones yielding, apart from the usual destruction of civilian targets, hits on two Russian Black Sea ships off Crimea. Not to be left behind in the concerted pressure on Moscow in this conflict, Poland has jumped into the fray by accusing Russia of violating its airspace with a cruise missile heading for Ukraine.

It may help readers to recollect what IS is, where it stands after its resounding defeats in Iraq and Syria where it had occupied vast territory and declared an Islamic Emirate before being soundly defeated and beaten back, leaving only straggling remnants in those countries. Following that defeat, IS appears to have shifted its main base to troubled Afghanistan while denouncing its Taliban regime as not sufficiently hardline ‘Islamic’. From its bases largely confined to eastern Afghanistan, it has struck inside Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran and now Russia. The IS affiliate in Afghanistan labels itself Islamic State Khorasan (ISIS-K) and is strategically placed to reach out for new recruits in Central Asia. That could explain how Tajik attackers massacred so many people in this bloody attack near Moscow. However, in the shady world of ‘Jihad’, nothing can be ruled out, including the use of ISIS-K recruits in a western-Ukrainian intelligence joint venture to hit Russia and thereby cause embarrassment and political difficulties for Putin, or at the very least take the shine off his recent electoral victory.

The world is now holding its breath to see how Russia responds. Once Moscow has its facts settled, the riposte is likely to be swift, bloody, and contoured to assuage the feelings of grief and outrage of a Russian people feeling beleaguered for years by a hostile west seeking to do down Moscow and achieve full spectrum hegemony worldwide. Along the way, having annoyed and frustrated once post-Soviet Union ‘partner’ Russia through ‘NATO-creep’ and various other creepy manoeuvres, the US-led west has included another once ‘partner’ China on its hit list. For those puzzled why, after an initial embrace, post-Soviet Russia and post-Mao China, both having embraced capitalism to a greater or lesser extent, have been so targeted, the explanation lies centrally and crucially in the nature of capitalist imperialism, a system inherently driven to economic, political and military dominance and therefore sensitive to actual or perceived rising rivals. If Putin’s revival of Russia after the disaster of 1991 and the even bigger disaster of the Yeltsin years has ‘alarmed’ Washington and its satraps in Europe, Asia and Australia, China’s economic and now military rise has awakened Thucydides from the grave. Welcome to a world increasingly poised for horrendous conflict, with the menace of the mushroom cloud always hovering in the periphery of our memories.

 

 

 

 

 

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com

Wednesday, March 20, 2024

RPC Lecture Series: Dr Aurangzeb Syed on "The new system of state power in Pakistan"

Research and Publication Centre (RPC) is holding a lecture by Dr Aurangzeb Syed visiting from the US on "The new system of state power in Pakistan" at RPC, 2nd floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore on Thursday, March 21, 2024 at 3:00 pm. 

Dr Aurangzeb Syed is Professor Emeritus Northern Michigan University. He has a Master’s degree in Public Administration from Punjab University (Thesis: Political Economy of Foreign Direct Investments in Pakistan), a Master’s degree in American Studies (Thesis: Socio-economic Transformations during British Colonialism in Pre-Pakistan areas) from the University of Buffalo, and a Ph.D. in Public Policy from Virginia Tech (Dissertation: Political Economy of Pakistan’s Energy Policy). He began his teaching career at the Punjab University in 1978 and has taught at various Universities in the US: Metropolitan State University, Denver; Virginia Tech; and finally Northern Michigan University.

Aurangzeb was a political activist and participated in the socialist student movement as well as the Workers' movement in Lahore during the early to mid-1970s. He went abroad in 1975 for studies, first to Norway and then to the US where he continued his activism along with educational programmes.  In Norway, he participated in the activities of the foreign workers branch of the Workers Communist Party of Norway (erstwhile AKP). He was also active with the PFLP (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine) branch in Oslo. At the University of Buffalo, he helped organise the Third World Students Association, which promoted an anti-imperialist agenda and information.

Throughout his academic career, he consistently applied the Marxist political-economic paradigm to the subject matter of the courses taught in areas such as international politics, politics in developing countries, political economy, US politics, US Foreign Policy, etc. Within the post-war Marxist tradition, he especially appreciates the works of Nicos Poulantzas in the field of political analysis, Capital Logic school (Michael Heinrich) in the analytical approach to Capitalism, and Roy Bhaskar’s Critical Realism in dialectical materialist philosophy of social sciences.

For your urge to read something interesting and exciting, he recommends the recent (2015) political biography of Lenin by Tamas Krausz: Reconstructing Lenin: An Intellectual Biography (Monthly Review Press, NY); Michael Heinrich’s biographical work Marx and the Birth of Modern Society (2018), a multi-volume project of which only the first volume has been published so far, is very interesting in bringing to light the formation of Marx’s ideas during the years of his early youth.

All friends are welcome. Tea will be served after the lecture and audience question-answer session.

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)  

Tuesday, March 19, 2024

Business Recorder Column March 19, 2024

A plethora of issues

 

Rashed Rahman

 

Normally one tries to focus on one critical issue that appears to be central when sitting down to pen these columns. However, such is the state of things in Pakistan that perforce one has to deal with a plethora of issues confronting the country and its people. That this may lead to important issues being treated peripherally or in insufficient depth is one of the occupational hazards of being a member of the commentariat.

Terrorism has never been laid to rest despite the military campaigns against the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and other like groups in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s (KP’s) erstwhile tribal areas. The recent uptick in terrorist attacks, particularly in KP, endorses this conclusion. One reason for this is that the military offensives from 2014 onwards failed to plan a pincer movement to cut off retreat avenues for the TTP, admittedly in unfavourable and forbidding terrain, seemingly content to uproot these terrorist forces from their bases in erstwhile FATA and ‘allow’ them to flee across the border into Afghanistan. I have been consistently arguing since in these columns and elsewhere that the military has succeeded merely in ‘exporting’ the problem, not scotching the snake. This prediction has since come true, particularly after we helped the Afghan Taliban to come to power on the heels of the ignominious and shambolic retreat of the US from their 20 year military occupation of Afghanistan. However, this turn of events once again proved the adage in politics that yesterday’s friends cannot be taken for granted to remain tomorrow’s allies. That applies doubly to proxies, with whom many countries, including Pakistan, have had occasion to rue the day they plumped for support for such entities. Inherent in such a relationship is the risk of proxies sooner or later running off the leash. The retreat into Afghanistan has if anything strengthened the TTP’s hand because of unadmitted but obvious support from the Afghan Taliban regime in Kabul.

Multiple attacks by the TTP were witnessed in KP over the weekend, in which two officers and five troops were killed in North Waziristan’s Mir Ali area in an attack on a police check post, two policemen were injured in another attack on a police check post in Ambar Dub Chowk Tehsil of Mohmand district, a police mobile (with no casualties) was damaged in an attack on Otmanzai police station in Bannu, and a Motorway Police vehicle was attacked (again without casualties) in Kund, Nowshera. The pattern of these attacks, as previous attacks, suggests the spread of the TTP’s reach beyond their traditional tribal areas holdouts to KP province entire. From there it is a short hop, skip and a jump to Punjab and Balochistan, the two neighbouring provinces of KP. Having reverted to guerrilla tactics with dispersed units instead of concentrated forces in the past in the tribal areas, the TTP now can only be combatted through superior intelligence. That, unfortunately, remains conspicuous by its absence, not because efforts are not made night and day by military and civilian intelligence agencies, but because there is precious little coordination between them. Intelligence agencies the world over are notorious for keeping their intelligence information cards close to their chest and being reluctant to share them even with fellow intelligence organisations of their own country, engaged in a common struggle. The post-2014 National Action Plan (NAP) was stillborn in the face of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and Military Intelligence (MI) balking at the suggestion that they should coordinate with and (perish the thought!) share intelligence with their civilian counterparts under the National Counter Terrorism Authority (NACTA). There the half-baked pie of the NAP rests in peace (RIP). There is no evidence that either the military or civilian authorities are seized of the critical requirement to overcome this logjam and get down to the serious task of rooting out the terrorist threat. We must therefore gird ourselves against more of the same for the foreseeable future.

But hark, perhaps I underestimate the resolve of the military. In the wake of these multiple attacks in KP over the weekend, Pakistan has carried out airstrikes against alleged TTP bases across the border, killing, according to Kabul, eight people in Khost and Paktika provinces, all the dead being women and children. Taliban officials claim the ‘reckless’ airstrikes prompted retaliatory actions with “heavy weapons” against Pakistani military outposts on the border. They followed up with a statement that Afghanistan would respond to any aggressive actions and defend its territorial integrity at all cost. The simmering tensions between Pakistan and Afghanistan since the 2021 victory of the Taliban, which prompted the former to expel millions of Afghan refugees across the border back to their home country, promise, if Kabul’s veiled threat is to believed, in “very bad consequences, which will be out (of) Pakistan’s control”. Now it may be conceded that since the TTP terrorists based in Afghanistan’s border areas have their families living with them, the toll may well have included, if not been entirely composed of, women and children. To compare, not so long ago when Iran attacked alleged Jundullah bases in our Balochistan and Pakistan retaliated with strikes against alleged Baloch nationalist fighters in Iran, the casualties on that side, if correctly reported, were indeed women and children. With all the sophistication of drone and air force technology today, it remains an uncertain weapon for targeting elusive guerrilla organisations. Pakistan and Iran mended fences soon after, in an atmosphere of both sides’ ‘honour’ having been satisfied, but the new tensions between Islamabad and Kabul portend an escalation with no end in sight.

Pakistan needs reasonable, if not good relations with all its neighbours at a moment when it has so many other problems to contend with. Relations with Iran are on the mend after the mutual strikes on each other and the start on the Pakistan side of the much delayed Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline that threatened their bonhomie. With India, relations remain frozen, with little chance of even normal diplomatic outreach till after the Indian elections. With Afghanistan, we could be staring down the barrel of the gun of a continuing tension and even conflict on the border because of the reverse osmosis of TTP terrorists based in Afghanistan continuing and escalating their attacks inside Pakistan, the wages of the original sin of using religious extremists in Pakistan’s wars in Afghanistan since 1973.

Strangely, the terrorism issue has taken up all the space this week, but I shall no doubt be explicating the other issues facing Pakistan in flux in the weeks to come.

 

 

 

 

 

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com

Sunday, March 17, 2024

Lecture by Dr Aurangzeb Syed at RPC: "The new system of state power in Pakistan"

Research and Publication Centre (RPC) is holding a lecture by Dr Aurangzeb Syed visiting from the US on "The new system of state power in Pakistan" at RPC, 2nd floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore on Thursday, March 21, 2024 at 3:00 pm. 

Dr Aurangzeb Syed is Professor Emeritus Northern Michigan University. He has a Master’s degree in Public Administration from Punjab University (Thesis: Political Economy of Foreign Direct Investments in Pakistan), a Master’s degree in American Studies (Thesis: Socio-economic Transformations during British Colonialism in Pre-Pakistan areas) from the University of Buffalo, and a Ph.D. in Public Policy from Virginia Tech (Dissertation: Political Economy of Pakistan’s Energy Policy). He began his teaching career at the Punjab University in 1978 and has taught at various Universities in the US: Metropolitan State University, Denver; Virginia Tech; and finally Northern Michigan University.

Aurangzeb was a political activist and participated in the socialist student movement as well as the Workers' movement in Lahore during the early to mid-1970s. He went abroad in 1975 for studies, first to Norway and then to the US where he continued his activism along with educational programmes.  In Norway, he participated in the activities of the foreign workers branch of the Workers Communist Party of Norway (erstwhile AKP). He was also active with the PFLP (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine) branch in Oslo. At the University of Buffalo, he helped organise the Third World Students Association, which promoted an anti-imperialist agenda and information.

Throughout his academic career, he consistently applied the Marxist political-economic paradigm to the subject matter of the courses taught in areas such as international politics, politics in developing countries, political economy, US politics, US Foreign Policy, etc. Within the post-war Marxist tradition, he especially appreciates the works of Nicos Poulantzas in the field of political analysis, Capital Logic school (Michael Heinrich) in the analytical approach to Capitalism, and Roy Bhaskar’s Critical Realism in dialectical materialist philosophy of social sciences.

For your urge to read something interesting and exciting, he recommends the recent (2015) political biography of Lenin by Tamas Krausz: Reconstructing Lenin: An Intellectual Biography (Monthly Review Press, NY); Michael Heinrich’s biographical work Marx and the Birth of Modern Society (2018), a multi-volume project of which only the first volume has been published so far, is very interesting in bringing to light the formation of Marx’s ideas during the years of his early youth.

All friends are welcome. Tea will be served after the lecture and audience question-answer session.

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)  

Tuesday, March 12, 2024

Business Recorder Column March 12, 2024

A tangled web indeed

 

Rashed Rahman

 

As could be anticipated, the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf’s (PTI’s) protests on March 10, 2024 against alleged election rigging were nullified by the police, particularly in Punjab, where newly inducted Chief Minister (CM) Maryam Nawaz Sharif had promised to ‘crush’ any such manifestation. Sindh saw little of a heavy-handed government response, perhaps because the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) government headed by CM Murad Shah is securely ensconced with a huge majority. Balochistan barely witnessed a murmur, underlying the reality that the PTI has little if any strength in the largest by area and most troubled by a nationalist insurgency province. Also as anticipated, in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), the PTI was not only able to mount protests without police hindrance but also hold a rally addressed by CM Ali Amin Gandapur in Peshawar. The explanation for this clear exception to the rule lies in the fact that the PTI is in power in KP. Most prominent PTI leaders were arrested in Punjab, some by being dragged out of vehicles. The response of the PTI leaders and workers to this time honoured treatment by the Punjab police was different from the past. It seems that the PTI has learnt some lessons from the May 9, 2023 fracas and its aftermath, and now plumbed for ‘peaceful resistance’.

What is notable about the PTI’s protests on the street is the extraordinary array of gleaming vehicles. This is perhaps a reflection of its urban middle class base, particularly in Punjab. This relatively new phenomenon in the country’s politics points toward the changing social and political dynamic in the country, of which the PTI is the main beneficiary, having focused on this demographic since at least 2011. The question that remains unanswered is whether this urban middle class base can demonstrate in practice the efficacy of street protest, even if peaceful. It goes without saying, and the events of March 10, 2024 indicate that the incumbent government in Punjab particularly is in no mood to allow the PTI to gain momentum for its political campaign against alleged rigging of the elections through street power. Although the PTI has also seemingly learnt the lesson that abandoning parliament, as it did after its government’s removal in 2022, is bad strategy, it remains to be seen whether its clamorous opposition inside the Houses combined with its newfound Gandhian peaceful resistance on the streets can or will yield the expected results. For the PTI, those results rest centrally on the dissolution of the present government and anointing of the PTI in power or, failing that, a fresh election with some guarantees that it will be conducted in a fair and free manner and without the manipulation and other legerdemain employed for the Elections 2024. It is possible to see the shape of some of the future if PTI’s Sher Afzal Marwat’s announcement of another protest in Islamabad (and elsewhere?) on March 30, 2024 comes to fruition. As it is, the authorities have released prominent PTI leaders such as Latif Khosa and Salman Akram Raja but charged many workers for defying the imposition of section 144 just before March 10, 2024. This may portend an even harsher response to future protests. What this means is that the rules of the democratic game remain suspended except on the establishment-backed government’s terms, which naturally include acceptance of their (controversial) mandate.

The PTI’s game, on the other hand, seems to include continuing efforts for a rapprochement with the estranged establishment. One pointer to this continuing effort may be detected in outgoing president Dr Arif Alvi’s revelation that he had been, and continues to try for such a rapprochement, but regrettably without success so far. Perhaps Dr Alvi needs reminding that it takes two hands to clap, whereas the miffed establishment (because of the thrust of the May 9 ‘uprising’) is so far not interested in talking to the hitherto ‘insurgent’ PTI.

Meanwhile the system juggernaut continues in motion with the first phase of a 19-member federal cabinet being sworn in on March 11, 2024 in the aftermath of Asif Ali Zardari returning to the presidency. This cabinet assumes office on the verge of Ramzan. Surprise, surprise, Mohsin Naqvi’s stars are not confined to being anointed Pakistan Cricket Board Chairman immediately after he surrendered the caretaker CMship of Punjab (a trajectory that seems to be acquiring the permanence of a norm given the previous example of Najam Sethi), but also shine for him in terms of being inducted into the federal cabinet as proposed interior minister, a post he can hold for six months until he is elected to parliament, which opportunity beckons in the impending Senate elections. Now to ordinary sceptics there is no answer how or why this has transpired. What are Naqvi’s credentials for the post he is destined for? But then why quibble over qualification when now CM Balochistan Sarfraz Bugti was, until recently, caretaker federal interior minister? In both cases, the deft hand of the establishment seems inescapable. The only difference is that whereas Bugti had already won the affections of the establishment in the conflict with Nawab Akbar Bugti in 2006 and after, which was instrumental in him being awarded the caretaker federal ministry, Mohsin Naqvi seems to have passed the establishment’s test as caretaker CM Punjab with flying colours. This conclusion is not as farfetched as it may seem at first glance, given the fact that both the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the PPP are at pains to deny Naqvi is their man. Now President Asif Ali Zardari, on the other hand, will have little hesitation in honouring Sarfraz Bugti with this title since, in an extraordinary sleight of hand, a caretaker interior minister resigned just days (literally) before the general elections 2024, stood for a Balochistan provincial seat in his home area of Dera Bugti, and was not only elected, but duly ensconced as CM Balochistan. There are some who question the constitutional and legal validity of this sleight of hand. Others feel constrained to remind us that the PPP inducted Sarfraz Bugti into its ranks immediately after he left the caretaker federal cabinet and Asif Ali Zardari even campaigned for him (albeit from a distance because of bad weather cancelling flights) in his provincial constituency at a triumphant election rally. Now the PPP can boast of heading not just the Sindh government, but that of troubled Balochistan too.

It seems this may well be the last caretaker government Pakistan will see, as both the PML-N and the PPP seem determined in the light of all the objections that have been raised against the last such body, including overstaying its constitutional welcome to straying into areas that were not within its purview, to change this rule that has been in vogue since the 1977 abortive elections. Whether, however, a polarised polity such as Pakistan’s at present can agree how and what rules to replace the caretaker setup with, remains in the realm of the unknown so far.

 

 

 

 

 

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com

Friday, March 8, 2024

Conference on Left candidates' experience in Elections 2024

 The Research and Publication Centre (RPC) is holding a Conference on "Left candidates' experience in Elections 2024" on Saturday, March 9, 2024 at 3:00 pm at RPC, 2nd floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore (next to Standard Chartered Bank, above Indesign showroom).

Speakers:

1. Muzammil Kakar, NA-127, Lahore.

2. Ammar Ali Jan, PP-160, Lahore.

3. Imtiaz Alam, NA-161, Bahawalnagar.

The Speakers will recount their election campaigns, voters' response, and lessons to be learnt for the future.

All friends are welcome. Tea will be served after the Conference.

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook).

Tuesday, March 5, 2024

Business Recorder Column March 5, 2024

Challenges, challenges

 

Rashed Rahman

 

The shape of the post-election regime has been more or less settled, with the remaining Presidential election on March 9, 2024 too a foregone conclusion in favour of Asif Ali Zardari. Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz’s (PML-N’s) Shahbaz Sharif has been elected Prime Minister (PM) by the National Assembly (NA), Maryam Nawaz Sharif the first woman Chief Minister (CM) Punjab by its provincial Assembly, Murad Shah of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) retaining the Sindh CM’s slot, Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf’s (PTI’s) Ali Amin Gandapur being elevated to the office of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s (KP’s) CM, and recently inducted into the PPP candidate Sarfraz Bugti as CM Balochistan. A perfectly fractured mandate if ever there was one. Therein of course lies many a problem. The Centre only has its own party’s government in Punjab. It will have to manage tricky Centre-province relations with Sindh, KP and Balochistan. Because the PPP, despite having declared it would not join the federal government, has committed to supporting the latter, this part of the equation may prove the least fractious. However, KP’s CM, well known as a militant member of PTI, may pose problems. Balochistan’s Sarfraz Bugti, despite questions being raised whether the Constitution allows a caretaker federal minister to resign on the eve of general elections and run for office, is clearly the establishment’s choice for controlling the troubled province. Since the present dispensation is widely viewed as having the blessings of the establishment, the likelihood is that Islamabad-Quetta will see a more or less smooth working relationship.

The proceedings of the last few days of the NA to conduct elections for the Speaker, Deputy Speaker and PM indicate the shape of things to come. The PTI, it appears, has decided to join the parliamentary system despite its shrill continuing denunciations of the rigged elections in order to continue its fight from within. That at least is the conclusion based on its behaviour in these sessions, which can be described as anything but parliamentary. Strictly speaking, the PML-N government led by Shahbaz Sharif will be a minority government critically dependent on the PPP’s votes to get any meaningful legislation through. This delicate pass will obviously face the PTI opposition’s unrelenting efforts to make such passage as difficult as possible for the incumbents. Unless handled with care, this scenario could easily, and in the not too distant future, suffer a meltdown, with the ensuing solutions producing forebodings given the looming shadow of the establishment managing things from behind the curtain.

These considerations assume even more importance given the enormous challenges facing the federal government. First and foremost of these is the state of the economy. As the crisis of the last few years has clearly exposed, industry’s import-intensive character feeds into our balance of payments deficit since industry cannot run smoothly and efficiently if the supply chain from abroad of critical plant and machinery, parts, raw materials (including quality cotton no longer available domestically because of the failure to address this and other agricultural declines), etc., is disrupted (in the recent case through restricting import Letters of Credit). Industry as at present (and for many years) constituted needs a policy of walking on two legs if it is to become viable, efficient and internationally competitive: investment in import substitution and exports. Agriculture’s neglect reflects the consequences of no land reforms (redistribution from the inefficient large landholdings to the poor peasantry, which would usher in intensive cultivation), concentration on research and development of quality seeds (especially cotton), and revisiting the negative consequences of a wholesale turn to sugarcane cultivation in the interests of the sugar mafia (which has the added consequence of exacerbating waterlogging and salinity). These are not one day goals. But if steps are taken in this direction, it would enable the country to satisfy not just the International Monetary Fund (IMF, and by extension, other multilateral and bilateral lenders and the international markets), but also have a salutary effect in nurturing confidence in our benefactors such as China and the Gulf States. Investment in the two-legged policy in industry and land redistribution and support to agriculture would boost employment and accelerate growth.

Apart from the economy and Centre-provinces’ coordination, the challenge of religious fundamentalist terrorism awaits a comprehensive coordinated civil-military plan to plug the unmet gaps in the National Action Plan and allow sharing of intelligence (if need be, at the highest level) in order to put the missing spokes in the wheel of the anti-terrorist campaign. Of late, the Afghan Taliban government is reported to have admonished its ‘guest’, the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), not to conduct terrorist acts inside Pakistan. How serious this admonition is, or whether it is just for show, will be revealed very soon either in the shape of reduced TTP attacks inside Pakistan or…

Last but not least, Balochistan needs the healing touch of sincere negotiations with the nationalist insurgents, not the new CM Sarfraz Bugti’s thinly veiled ‘surrender’ invitation. Nationalist insurgency must be distinguished from terrorism. Political negotiations, offering solutions within the four corners of the Constitution and law that go some or all the way to meeting the long list of long standing grievances of the province, seem to offer the best hope of defusing a lingering sore, promising perhaps in the process, the way forward to meet PM Shahbaz Sharif’s stated preference to resolve the missing persons issue.

Hope still resides in the breast, but the forbidding difficulties and challenges would test the most resilient of regimes, let alone one still striving to have its democratic legitimacy accepted.

 

 

 

 

 

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com

Saturday, March 2, 2024

Conference on Left candidates' experience in Elections 2024

The Research and Publication Centre (RPC) is holding a Conference on "Left candidates' experience in Elections 2024" on Saturday, March 9, 2024 at 3:00 pm at RPC, 2nd floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore (next to Standard Chartered Bank, above Indesign showroom).

Speakers:

1. Muzammil Kakar, NA-127, Lahore.

2. Ammar Ali Jan, PP-160, Lahore.

3. Imtiaz Alam, NA-161, Bahawalnagar.

The Speakers will recount their election campaigns, voters' response, and lessons to be learnt for the future.

All friends are welcome. Tea will be served after the Conference.

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook).

Friday, March 1, 2024

The March 2024 issue of Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) is out

The March 2024 issue of Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) is out. Link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com

Contents:

1. Noaman G Ali and Shozab Raza: Worldly Marxism: Rethinking Revolution from Pakistan's Peripheries.

2. Taimur Rahman: How the IMF is squeezing Pakistan.

3. Dr Saulat Nagi: Palestine and Balochistan: "If you prick us, do we not bleed?"

4. Stacey Philbrick Yadav: The Houthis' 'Sovereign Solidarity' with Palestine.

5. Fayyaz Baqir: My life and struggle – I.

6. Chris Hedges: 'Silent coup': how capitalism defeated decolonisation.

7. Mir Mohammad Ali Talpur: The Rise of Baloch Nationalism and Resistance – VII.

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook).