Link to my Letter to the Editor, The Independent, UK, March 28, 2023: https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/letters/cancel-culture-naipaul-political-correctness-b2308277.html
Rashed Rahman
Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)
Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)
The March 2023 issue of Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) is out. Link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com
Contents:
1. Rashed Rahman: Marxism yesterday and today.
2. A New Revolutionary Subject: Marta Harnecker interviewed by Tassos Tsakiroglou.
3. Paul Cockshott: 21st century Marxism.
Rashed Rahman
Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)
Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)
Unending political conflict
Rashed Rahman
Imran Khan has claimed that unknown assassins were positioned at the Judicial Complex Islamabad on March 18, 2023 when he had to appear (finally) in court in the Toshakhana case against him. Further, he claims the government wanted either to kill him or spirit him away under arrest to Balochistan to sabotage his campaign for the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial elections. These circumstances were cited as justification by Imran Khan for not leaving his vehicle at the Judicial Complex and marking his presence while sitting in his car. Inexplicably, after all the hoop la by the court (and other courts) about Imran Khan’s refusal on one excuse or the other not to appear, the court ‘magnanimously’ accepted this procedure as constituting ‘appearance’ before the court and postponed his second appearance to a later date. Although there was a veritable battle going on at the Judicial Complex between the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf (PTI) workers and the police, the court’s magnanimity was at a piece with the kid glove treatment received by Imran Khan from the courts since his ouster last year.
The Punjab police utilised the tactical opportunity provided by Imran Khan’s absence in Islamabad along with the bulk of his militant party supporters to conduct a determined raid on Imran Khan’s Zaman Park residence, which the PTI workers had rendered a ‘no go zone’ since Imran moved there to recuperate from his bullet injuries sustained in Wazirabad. Using heavy machinery and sufficient force, the police broke down the gate of the residence, tore through the resistance of the PTI workers, and entered the house. Such resistance, as has become the norm, was conducted with the help of sticks, stones, sling shots, petrol bombs, etc. There were injuries in both sides, after which the police arrested dozens of PTI workers. The police claimed to have found arms, etc, in the house, which has attracted with greater force the provisions of the Anti-Terrorism Act.
Imran Khan in his address a day after launched his usual diatribe against the police, caretaker chief minister, etc, and plaintively alluded to his wife’s presence alone, along with some household staff, when the raid occurred. In the meantime, two more terrorism cases, one for the Lahore happenings, the other for Islamabad, were registered against Imran Khan, various PTI leaders and workers. He says there are now 99 cases in all against him. Welcome to the standard operating procedure of Pakistani governments against their opponents!
The irreducible facts may help to somewhat clear the confusion created by the unending war of words (and some weapons) between the PTI and the government. Stripped of all the rhetoric, Imran Khan and the PTI have been using militant tactics and whatever weapons they could muster to resist the police, courts, and the state’s writ at every turn. Until the Zaman Park clearance operation, neither the police nor the courts had used the full panoply of their powers to bring this mini-rebellion to heel. In Pakistan’s past, people have been hung to dry for far less. But Imran Khan appears to live a charmed life. While PTI workers’ injuries are certainly regrettable, the injuries inflicted on the police and the destruction of their vehicles, etc, beggars belief. Clearly, the police was not so far confident of going all out and using sufficient force against the PTI. It appears the Zaman Park operation may well herald a change of approach. That may be another reason why Imran Khan has now savaged the caretaker chief minister, Mohsin Naqvi.
At the risk of irritating readers with a reiteration of the events since April 2022 that have brought us to the present pass of unending political (and physical) conflict, it bears remembering the sequence of events. Imran Khan’s spectacular falling out with his mentors, supporters and facilitators to bring him to power in 2018 (i.e. the military establishment) triggered a sequence of events that culminated with his ouster from power through a no-confidence motion lubricated by defections from the PTI. This stratagem was advocated by Asif Ali Zardari to get rid of the noose of corruption cases against him and by Shahbaz Sharif who saw his perhaps only chance to become prime minister in his brother’s absence. Nawaz Sharif was against this course. His advice was to leave a weakened Imran Khan in power so that he would further fall flat on his face and pave the way for the opposition to win the next election this year hands down. The Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) coalition has sacrificed its credibility and political capital (perhaps irretrievably) by ignoring Nawaz Sharif’s advice. Given that the PDM coalition government is losing (if it has not already lost) the battle of narratives to the PTI, has been unable to turn around the parlous state of the economy bequeathed by the PTI government (not the least because of the games being played by the IMF), and now stands virtually bereft and visionless if not helpless against the unremitting daily attacks of the PTI, it does not take a genius to work out whose initial advice was right.
One band of opinion pins its hopes again and again in some ‘magic’ to be worked by a ‘national dialogue’. They persist in this endeavour in the face of even the faintest hope not being available that such a dialogue is possible under the obtaining circumstances. Another band (led by the PTI, understandably) pins all hope for the future and solution to all our problems on elections. Logically this makes little sense either, since the unrelenting political conflict between the two factions into which our ruling elite is now firmly divided makes any post-election scenario equally fraught. If the PDM wins comfortably (despite the perceived present trend), it will seek to complete its agenda of ‘eliminating’ Imran from the political field. If the PTI wins, Imran Khan has promised again and again not to spare his opponents. In either case, the country is more likely post-elections to see a continuation of the present strife rather than a cooling down of tempers, return to minimum consensual parliamentary politics, and all sides respecting the objective needs of the country above their own interests.
It may not quite be the civil war Federal Minister for Information Maryam Aurangzeb warned against the other day, but it damn well seems to be teetering on the edge, with no credible alternative in sight.
rashed-rahman.blogspot.com
Research and Publication Centre (RPC) in collaboration with Filmbar (on Instagram) announces the screening of the twelfth film in its Season of World Cinema: Elem Klimov's "Come and See" (1985).
This legendary film from Soviet director Elem Klimov is a senses-shattering plunge into the dehumanising horrors of war. As Nazi forces encroach on his small village in what is now known as Belarus, teenage Flyora (Alexei Kravchenko, in a searing depiction of anguish) eagerly joins the Soviet resistance. Rather than the adventure and glory he envisioned, what he finds is a waking nightmare of unimaginable carnage and cruelty — rendered with a feverish, otherworldly intensity by Klimov’s subjective camera work and expressionistic sound design. Nearly blocked from being made by Soviet censors, who took seven years to approve its script, "Come and See" is perhaps the most visceral, impossible-to-forget anti-war film ever made.
Rashed Rahman
Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)
Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)
Something’s gotta give
Rashed Rahman
A small group of alienated members of Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) have come together on a bipartisan platform to address what ails the country. Amongst these luminaries, on the one hand we have former prime minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi and former finance minister Miftah Ismail from the PML-N side, on the other former senator Mustafa Nawaz Khokhar who recently parted ways with the PPP.
In their latest outing into the public sphere, a seminar titled ‘Reimagining Pakistan’ at Habib University, Karachi, on March 12, 2023, these three worthies repeated what they have been saying for some time, while adding more thoughts to the understanding of Pakistan’s multi-dimensional crisis and, in their view, the way out. Amid the fears of a default, political instability (and a seemingly insurmountable impasse), and a deepening crisis of governance, the speakers above (and others) ‘agreed’ that it was high time and the responsibility of the major political parties, both those in power and those in opposition, to chart the path to delivering Pakistan from the mess it is mired in. Failure to do so, the warning went, would mean an irreparable loss the like of which one couldn’t imagine.
The speakers had little of comfort to offer anyone. They dubbed the current political leadership (across the divide) ‘incapable’, the parliamentary system ‘ineffective’ and the economy ‘on the verge of collapse’. They also appealed to the Chief of Army Staff and the Chief Justice of Pakistan to keep their institutions within the defined boundaries of the Constitution. The speakers were at pains to point out that theirs was an ‘apolitical’ platform dedicated to bringing about political awakening among the parties so that they could focus on their real agenda of reforms, stability, and consensus on key national issues.
Shahid Khaqan Abbasi emphasised that the crisis being faced by Pakistan is a test for everyone, whether Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif, Imran Khan, Maulana Fazlur Rehman or Asif Ali Zardari. The crisis cannot be solved by any party alone, so the country’s leadership needs to think beyond partisan agendas, sit together and find a way out. Abbasi characterised the manner in which the federal cabinet, parliament and the governing system were operating as the indifference of the ruling elite to the (increasing) misery of the poor. Mustafa Nawaz Khokhar lamented that after more than 75 years and losing half the country, we have learnt nothing, which had rendered him pessimistic, disappointed and without hope. Miftah Ismail informed the audience of the difficulties placed in their path by the Sindh government to find a venue for the seminar, adding this indicated that many people were unhappy with their move to raise a voice of dissent.
Any critical point of view that departs from the present futile and unproductive exchange of invective between the two sides of the political divide can only be welcomed. This dissident platform has been holding such seminars all over the country. Has their desire for a ‘grand national dialogue’ borne fruit? Is it likely to? Unfortunately, given the ground realities, this still appears a forlorn hope. The state of political polarisation, in which one side (the government), which has reluctantly made noises from time to time for negotiations across the divide, is stumped by the intransigent refusal of the other side (Imran Khan) to hold any talks with the government, whose leadership he never fails to castigate as allegedly ‘corrupt’ (and worse). The basis for, and chances of such a dialogue therefore resemble nothing better than hoping against hope and whistling in the wind. This hoped for ‘grand dialogue’ can be considered in the same category as the oft touted (of late) ‘Charter of the Economy’, whose unstated premise appears to be the understanding that the ‘economy’ stands somehow above politics and society, and therefore can lend itself to a bipartisan consensus.
While one appreciates the sentiments of those who advocate a coming together to resolve the very serious crises Pakistan is facing, one cannot ignore the yawning gaps and wishful thinking at the heart of such ‘reimagining’.
The last has acquired the status of a buzzword of late. This writer’s quibble rotates around the thought that to ‘reimagine’ anything requires ‘imagination’. Can we honestly, with hand on heart and in all sincerity, not see the dearth (or death) of imagination, the collapse of the intelligentsia, and the continuing atmosphere of restricting (if not forbidding) free thinking and expression in our society? This combination (not necessarily in the order mentioned above; if anything in reverse) has reduced our thinking to platitudes, ‘permitted’ ideas and a deadening conformity that signals an inability as a society to soar boldly above the mundane and seek new horizons for a troubled state and society.
One other refrain that is dinned in our ears every day is the argument that elections are the only solution to (all?) our problems. Permit one to say that even elections cannot replace the minimum necessary consensus on the rules of the parliamentary democratic game, i.e. keeping the door to dialogue open even while in disagreement with political rivals. After all, the basic criteria for holding elections regularly (and freely, neither of which we have been privileged with as a matter of course) is the appeal to the electorate to decide which set of policies of which party appeals to them more. But politics in Pakistan, thanks to the establishment’s unremitting shenanigans in our history and the elite capture of a hollow democratic system based on vested interest, patronage and advancing the interests of the rich and powerful against the poor and marginalised, has been rendered moribund and stuck in a cul de sac.
Without wanting to sound like a Cassandra, one cannot help arriving at the conclusion that given the pressures mounting in the economic, political, security and social fields, Pakistan faces a perfect storm in which, sooner or later, something’s gotta give.
rashed-rahman.blogspot.com
Farcical shenanigans
Rashed Rahman
The country is beset with serious crises in the economic, political and security fields. Yet if one glances at the manner in which the confrontation between Imran Khan and his party, Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf (PTI), and the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) coalition government is playing out, you may be tempted to hold your head in your hands and wonder at the farcical shenanigans on display. On March 5, 2023, an Islamabad police contingent of six personnel headed by a Superintendent Police (SP) arrived at Imran Khan’s Zaman Park, Lahore residence where he has been cloistered since being wounded in the attempt on his life in Wazirabad. The police were armed with an arrest warrant issued by a court hearing the Toshakhana case, in which Imran Khan had so far failed to appear despite numerous court summons. The SP and his contingent, reportedly supported by the Lahore police, faced resistance from the crowd of PTI supporters who have been camped outside Imran Khan’s Zaman Park residence for days if not weeks. Nevertheless, Senator Shibli Faraz finally appeared to speak to the police. He informed them that Imran Khan was “not available” at his Zaman Park residence. The police accompanied the Senator to Imran Khan’s room and not finding him there, beat (a tactical?) retreat. No attempt was reportedly made to search any other room in the house.
The farcical element of this exercise was revealed when, the same afternoon, Imran Khan appeared in his house’s garden and addressed his charged supporters, an event shown live by all the TV channels. If that did not leave egg on the police’s face, Fawad Chaudhry rubbed their noses in the dirt by arguing that Imran Khan had protective bail from the Islamabad High Court (IHC) till March 9, 2023, and any attempt to arrest him would be tantamount to contempt of court. Leaving aside the assumption that the IHC protective bail applies to all the 74 cases registered against Imran Khan, this fiasco raises the question whether this was just an exercise in testing the waters? If so, it left the PTI feeling victorious and the government weak and indecisive, despite Federal Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah’s attempt to trumpet the government’s ability to arrest Imran Khan ‘whenever it desired’ (!).
To add further seasoning to the PTI’s stance, Fawad Chaudhry warned of a countrywide protest movement if Imran Khan is arrested. This may be the real concern of the government should they finally arrive at a decision to arrest Imran Khan. But does this mean the PTI leader is above the law? Is not every citizen, even a former prime minister, equal before the law? Belatedly, the unsuccessful Islamabad police team is now threatening Shibli Faraz with “misrepresenting the facts”. What is unbelievable is that the Islamabad police contingent (and their Lahore police facilitators) were unaware that Imran Khan has not left his Zaman Park residence since being wounded except one or two rare instances where he has appeared before a court with a huge swell of his supporters in attendance. If you, I and the lamppost know this, how come the police is ‘unaware’ of this fact?
In his subsequent address, Imran Khan cited threats to his life and the inadequate security provided by the state to a former prime minister during his rare court appearances as the reason for his reluctance to appear before all the other courts where he faces cases. He might as well have added that he had no wish to step onto the traditional merry-go-round of court cases used to harass opposition leaders in our history. While one can sympathise with anyone receiving this time-honoured treatment, Imran Khan cannot be allowed to get away with a practice that suggests different rules apply to him. As it is, the superior judiciary, whether rightly or inadvertently, is being seen more and more as partisan, fractured, and eroding through such steps as ‘manipulation’ of benches the respect and dignity owed to it. This perception of the inevitable politicisation of the judiciary because of the judicialisation of politics, against which this writer has been warning repeatedly for years, can now be added to the unenviable record of the judiciary of subservience to the establishment in our benighted history.
The railing of PDM leaders against Imran Khan’s ‘cowardly’ hiding from the police and not having the courage to face jail seems misplaced and without effect. Surely they should divert their attention to the seeming inability of the state to have its writ, and that of the judiciary, implemented through the police, which owes all citizens, particularly those who regularly suffer its brutal, unwanted attentions, an explanation for this farcical fiasco.
One is not passing judgement on the cases against Imran Khan. After all our laws and Constitution uphold the view of the innocence of the accused until proven guilty. But to get to any such end result, the judicial process has to be followed. If anyone, including a former prime minister, is allowed to get away with defying the law and the courts by refusing to appear before a judicial forum that permits him to prove his innocence, what remains of the rule of law or indeed, any rule at all? Are we then to accept the law of the jungle that lays down that the powerful are exempt from any and all accountability?
These farcical shenanigans that have been going on since Imran Khan was ousted by a no-confidence motion in 2022 indicate a deeper malaise. Amidst the welter of confusion and crises in the country, it would not be too far fetched to argue that the state and its institutions are fraying, if not disintegrating. This may be the outcome of the latest ‘experiment’ of the establishment in foisting through a rigged election an egomaniac who holds: ‘My way or the highway’, i.e. either foist me in power again or I will bring the system to its knees. Unfortunately, the PDM coalition government does not seem to have any effective answer to such narcissism nor the more serious issue of state dysfunction.
rashed-rahman.blogspot.com
Research and Publication Centre (RPC) in collaboration with Filmbar (on Instagram) announces the screening of the eleventh film in its Season of World Cinema: Tabish Shargo’s “A Crack in Light”.
An unexpected meeting can bring wonders. This loose adaptation of Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi's ‘Musafir’ presents a magical and spiritual journey of a shepherd, whose life is changed as one day he meets a traveler on a mountain where he was grazing his herd of sheep.
Rashed Rahman
Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)
Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)
The February 2023 issue of Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) is out. Link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com
Contents:
1. Vijay Prashad: Writing about a joy that invades Jenin.
2. Dr Maqsudul Hasan Nuri: Populism in the contemporary world: boon or bane?
Rashed Rahman
Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)
Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)
Timing: Friday, March 3, 2023, 6:00 pm at Research and Publication Centre (RPC), 2nd floor, 65 Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore (next to Standard Chartered Bank, above Indesign showroom).
Rashed Rahman
Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)
Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)
