Monday, September 19, 2022

Business Recorder Column September 20, 2022

Politics as usual?

 

Rashed Rahman

 

With media reports full of the flood victims’ suffering, is ‘politics as usual’ justified? Or is this a surreal ‘escape’ for politicians from the formidable task of addressing the calamity? The unprecedented monsoon rains and floods this year swept away people, homes, crops, cattle, livelihoods, infrastructure and anything else that stood in the path of the roaring waters. The media is reflecting the survivors’ mounting complaints of no or inadequate help and succour. Desperate people have resorted in some instances to looting critically needed relief goods. Unscrupulous elements are exploiting the dire situation for windfall profits.

Pakistan’s needs for immediate relief and rehabilitation for millions affected have run up against donor fatigue and the world’s other distractions such as the Russia-Ukraine war. Despite Prime Minister (PM) Shahbaz Sharif’s efforts at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation’s (SCO’s) summit, bilateral appeals and his upcoming UN General Assembly appeal, Pakistan neither has received so far more than a ‘drop in a bucket’ of relief, nor does it have the resources to fulfil the requirements of immediate relief and mid- to long-term rehabilitation and reconstruction. That threatens social and political unrest with or without the involvement of political forces.

Meanwhile PM Shahbaz Sharif has discussed weighty matters with Nawaz Sharif in London on his way to New York. The discussion reportedly agreed that the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) coalition government will complete its term and hold general elections as scheduled in 2023. Toppling the Punjab government headed by Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q) leader Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi and supported by the strength of the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf (PTI) also came under discussion, with the ostensible outcome being the decision to move a no-confidence motion against the incumbent Punjab government, perhaps in a matter of a fortnight. Defence Minister Khwaja Asif has described the Punjab government as “hanging by a thread”, adding that this thread could soon break. Intriguingly, Imran Khan has reportedly stated in a PTI meeting that some PTI elements are in touch with the establishment. That can be expected, since the PTI’s rise to power in 2018 came about with the necessary help of the ‘mother’ institution/s.

Imran Khan’s rhetorical needle is still stuck on the demand for fresh (immediate) elections, but this is beginning to sound like a plaintive refrain in the wind. There are no indications so far that this demand is being taken seriously by anyone, including the PDM coalition government (see above), and especially not in the light of the huge crisis facing the country because of the floods.

As if the natural calamity were not enough, the resurgence of the Tehreek-i-Taliban (TTP) in Pakistan after the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan last year has prompted the people of the former tribal areas and Swat, etc, to appeal to the authorities to curb this malign presence to avoid a repeat of the past troubles, otherwise they will be forced to take up arms themselves to defend their lives, hearths and homes from the terrorists. Already, incidents of bomb and firing attacks on peace committee heads and others opposed to the TTP have commenced the grim tally once again of terrorism’s victims. When the Pakistan army’s operations in the tribal areas were carried out after the Army Public school massacre in Peshawar, this writer had predicted that the operations had merely ‘exported’ the problem (to Afghan soil), not scotched the snake. That prediction appears to be coming true with a vengeance, with our so-called Afghan Taliban ‘friends’ turning a blind eye to if not supporting the TTP’s renewed campaign inside Pakistan. With friends like these…

The Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) has begun the much delayed hearing into the PTI’s foreign/prohibited funding case on September 19, 2022. While reports speak optimistically of a verdict in the matter this month, the inexplicable room for delay and manoeuvre afforded by the ECP (and other institutions) to the PTI does not speak in favour of such optimism. The facts as revealed so far show a concerted PTI funding drive globally, with all sorts of covering companies, trusts, and what have you to disguise and hide the sources of the funds and their use. Inside Pakistan too, the PTI leaders have been found operating bank accounts of millions without declaring them before the ECP. While the ECP deliberates, the Federal Investigation Agency’s (FIA’s) investigation in the case is proceeding apace. Potentially, an ECP verdict (whenever it arrives) could lead to the confiscation of the illegal funds amounting to millions of rupees and/or the disqualification of Imran Khan for filing false certificates of party funding and bank accounts.

The people are bereft, looking up for a saviour, while a troubling amount of ‘politics as usual’ is in evidence. The fallout of an unprepared state to meet the exigencies of this huge calamity, as much as the lip service (and wholly inadequate relief efforts) of the politicians on both sides of the political divide points to a significant gulf potentially opening up between the people on the one hand, and the political class and state institutions on the other.

 

 

 

 

 

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com

Tuesday, September 13, 2022

Business Recorder Column September 13, 2022

Minus one?

 

Rashed Rahman

 

While vast areas of the country and millions of people suffer the consequences of the massive monsoon rains and floods, the politics of the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf (PTI) and Imran Khan continues without a break and with scarcely a glance at the human and material misery that has visited Pakistan (two telethons for fund raising for the flood victims notwithstanding, since they appear to be part of Imran Khan’s political campaign). And as an indication of Imran Khan’s attitude, on September 11, 2022 he refused for a third time to turn up before the Joint Investigation Team (JIT) probing the terrorism charge against him for his threatening remarks against a judge and the Islamabad police. The terrorism charge itself may be a case of overzealous overkill, but that does not absolve Imran Khan from cooperating with the investigation, especially after being ordered to do so by the Islamabad High Court (IHC). So blessed (‘ladla’) does Imran Khan appear to be that his transit bail in the case has reportedly been extended for the third time despite not appearing before the JIT.

Speculation has now begun that the powers that be have settled on a ‘minus one’ strategy to knock out Imran Khan politically through one or more of the cases against him, in which pride of place may be accorded to the foreign funding issue, the Toshakhana scandal, the terrorism charge mentioned above and the contempt of court case in the IHC. Any of these could potentially lead to Imran Khan’s disqualification. In the past, such ‘minus one’ manoeuvrings have been meant to send a signal to the other leaders of a party that they should prepare to be elevated to the top slot in their party in return for cooperation with the establishment. Even if the speculation is spot on, and minus one does occur, it is highly unlikely any PTI leader would dare to commit political hara kiri by going along with any such scheme. The other argument for a minus one strategy appears to be a finding (hope?) that with Imran Khan out of the way, the PTI will not be able to mount an effective struggle against the incumbent government (and the establishment) despite the momentum of its rallies in recent months, a momentum that owes a great deal to the presence of Imran Khan.

The speculation around minus one is an indication of the establishment’s wrath against Imran Khan mounting. Not only has the establishment been left red-faced over bringing Imran Khan to power in 2018 through a rigged election after he fell out with them this year, the wrath is building because of the rhetoric Imran Khan has been employing in his public rallies and statements. Both threatening and cajoling the establishment, Imran Khan has perhaps been relying on a lack of consensus within the establishment about how to proceed vis a-vis him. But this is a high risk, potentially suicidal path.

The establishment brought Imran Khan’s PTI to within a hair’s breadth of an outright majority in the rigged 2018 elections. This was intended to force Imran Khan into a coalition with the establishment’s long time collaborators, particularly the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) and the Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q). Learning from their past experience with Mohammad Khan Junejo and Nawaz Sharif when their own ‘creature’ eventually turned against them, the establishment structured the 2018 coalition deliberately in a manner that in the event of a falling out with Imran Khan, the rug could be pulled from under his feet through the MQM and PML-Q. In the event, the MQM went along with the scheme in 2022 but the PML-Q suffered a split, with Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain rejecting Imran Khan’s narrative against the military establishment and Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi joining Imran Khan and being eventually rewarded with the Chief Ministership of Punjab.

The other ploy being contemplated by the establishment, according again to speculation in the media, is a move to wrest Punjab away from Pervaiz Elahi through creating splits within the PTI for a no-confidence move against the coalition headed by him. Whether this will succeed is difficult to say, but then could anyone have predicted the breaking away of 20 PTI MNAs before the no-confidence vote against Imran Khan? The byzantine nature of the Pakistani Game of Thrones does not allow anything to be ruled out.

Observers and the public are aghast at what Imran Khan is being allowed to get away with so far. This kid gloves treatment feeds into Imran Khan’s arrogant attitude of being above the law and untouchable. His popularity amongst the urban middle class and upper middle class in Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and pockets of Karachi may have been bolstered by his aggressive campaign, but on the reverse side of the coin it promises an ignominious end to its author’s political ambitions and perhaps career.

 

 

 

 

 

rashed.rahman1@gmail.com

rashed-rahman.blogspot.com

Tuesday, September 6, 2022

The September 2022 issue of Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) is out

 The September 2022 issue of Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) is out. Link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com

Contents:

1. Rashed Rahman: The case for land reforms.

2. Javed Masud: Decade of Development and the South Korean development model.

3. Eric Hobsbawm: First World and Third World after the Cold War.

4. Vijay Prashad: When people want housing in India, they build it.

5. Maidul Islam: Communists and the fulfilment of secular promises in West Bengal.

Rashed Rahman

Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)

Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)