Wednesday, November 6, 2024
The November 2024 issue of Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) is out
Tuesday, November 5, 2024
Business Recorder Column, November 5, 2024
Breathe!
Rashed Rahman
Punjab as a whole, but especially the provincial capital Lahore, is once again in the grip of what has become a regular (no longer necessarily seasonal) affliction: smog. Normally, the stifling mixture of pollutants is at its worst as the weather turns colder, which historically is associated with October. However, human activity in today’s world has so disturbed the ecology of the globe that seasons that could once be used to track the calendar instead of the other way around, are now unreliable markers of weather change. Neither the monsoons, nor the four seasons now appear to follow what was the long established order of our climate. While this climatic disturbance, ascribed worldwide to the Earth’s extraordinary warming because of human activity and increasingly described as an ecological calamity in progress, has its own implications for crop patterns and weather disturbance, it also is the setting for another product of human activity: generating pollutants that remain suspended in the air in concentrations that threaten human health. Lahore, or Punjab, is by no means the only urbanised area in the world that suffers from the malady of smog. After all, nature is no respecter of boundaries drawn by humankind. Thus, near and afar, from Indian Punjab to virtually every urban conglomerate in the world, particularate concentration threatens an epidemic of health issues, concentrated in the depositing of such pollution into the lungs when we breathe. Especially vulnerable are children, the elderly, and those already suffering from, or sensitive to, breathing maladies.
What is strange about this year’s smog invasion is that it has occurred when October has proved warmer than ever in living memory. The average maximum and minimum temperature throughout the month has remained 32 degrees and 27 degrees respectively. This suggests that our previous assumption that cold weather is one of the culprits in engendering smog may not be true. Lahore, Faisalabad, Multan, Kasur, Islamabad and a host of Punjab’s cities have been afflicted to a greater or lesser extent by the dreaded phenomenon. The Punjab government has ascribed the record breaking Air Quality Index (AQI) reading of over 1,000 to pollution being carried from Indian Punjab by the winds blowing from east to west in our direction. While such a conclusion has yet to be scientifically confirmed, it has prompted the Pakistani Punjab government to suggest it will conduct ‘smog diplomacy’ to win over Indian Punjab to joint steps to control smog. Of course one does not know as yet if the idea is to stop the winds from blowing or, if so, how? After all, this may go the way of King Canute’s desire to turn back the sea.
The Punjab government appears to be floundering in its response to the smog emergency. The steps it has announced so far, e.g. closure (temporary for the moment) of primary schools (to protect vulnerable children), ‘green’ lockdowns (temporary localised measures to prevent the worst smoke-emitting vehicles, etc, from entering particularly afflicted areas), exhortations to polluting factories, brick kilns, stubble-burning farmers to desist, do not do more than touch the surface of a far more serious problem that has no easy, quick answers. Where does the smog come from? There is a dearth of objective, scientific studies on this, but the few available suggest that in a city such as Lahore, 60 percent pollution is produced by vehicles, 20 percent by factories and brick kilns, and the rest by seasonal stubble burning. Accurate or not, at least this analysis helps us focus on the priorities required to tackle the crisis.
Lahore, for example, has some 4.5 million motorcycles and 1.3 million cars and trucks on its roads. Take a deep breath and survey any major road, say the Main Boulevard Gulberg, and you will see a blue haze suspended over the road. So the first culprit is the surfeit of vehicles on our roads, allegedly spewing toxic petrol and diesel fumes, exacerbated by the allegedly low quality of these fuels. Since there is no integrated urban transport system in the city (the overhead Metro and bus service notwithstanding), which in the late 1990s-early 2000s was mooted with Japanese assistance to consist of a north-south underground rail system in the city’s built-up areas and an above-ground in the suburbs (standard practice the world over), connected to branch lines traversing east to west, with bus terminals at their last stops, the 14 million citizens of Lahore perforce have to travel in their own vehicles to work, etc. That ideal mass transit system fell foul of partisan politics and regime change, leaving us holding the pot of our present polluted existence.
A mass transit urban system is still required, in fact is a critical necessity if this excessive load of private vehicles are to be taken off the roads, particularly during morning and evening rush hours. Factories have to be forced to employ environmentally friendly technology to minimise their contribution to the air mess. Future factory planning, if any, should seek to locate such enterprises away from the cities (which is what London did after the 1950s deadly fog/smog crisis). Brick kilns must be forced to employ less polluting zig-zag technology or be shut down. Any enterprise using foul fuel such as rubber tyres must be permanently closed. Stubble burning must be stopped through the alternative of super-seeders and other modern technology to make stubble burning unnecessary.
All this cannot be accomplished in a day, a week, a month, or even a year. It will take many years, implying people will continue to suffer in the meantime. The neglect of this issue by successive governments has brought us to this sorry pass. Such neglect from now on invites the wrath of the suffering public.
rashed-rahman.blogspot.com
Thursday, October 31, 2024
Research and Publication Centre's (RPC's) Weekly Bhaitak, November 2, 2024, 4:00 pm
Research and Publication Centre's (RPC's) programme of regular weekly Bhaitaks continues Saturday, November 2, 2024, 4:00 pm. This is an informal, open discussion forum on all aspects of Pakistan's crises: ideological, political, economic, social, cultural, etc. This week we will be discussing "Major world powers' interests in Pakistan".
All friends are welcome. Tea will be served.
RPC address: 2nd Floor, 65, Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore (next to Standard Chartered Bank, above Indesign showroom).
Rashed Rahman
Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)
Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)
Cells: 0302 8482737 (operates WhatsApp) & 0333 4216335.
Tuesday, October 22, 2024
Business Recorder Column October 22, 2024
A hollow victory
Rashed Rahman
After much huffing and puffing during the last few days if not weeks, the government has finally managed to get the 26th Amendment to the Constitution passed by both houses of parliament with a two-thirds majority. But perhaps despite this, it may be premature on the part of the government to celebrate its ‘victory’, which has implications that may render it hollow.
First, the Amendment itself. To the relief of some, the adopted Amendment comprises 22 Clauses, a radical comedown from the original 50 in the draft the government kept under wraps in an unprecedented treatment of such an important piece of legislation. The reduction to 22 Clauses was brought about by the reservations of coalition partners, but mostly the ‘holdout’ critical input of Maulana Fazlur Rehman, without whose Jamiat-e-Ulema-i-Islam-Fazl’s (JUI-F’s) votes, the magic two thirds number would not have been possible. In colourful language, the Maulana and his party described the amendments to the Amendment as “defanging the black snake”. For the opposition Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf (PTI), the whole process of ‘consultations’ with it on the issue was heavily laden with cajoling, offers of material gain, and coercion, the last including threats not only to members but also their families. These circumstances persuaded the majority of PTI Members of Parliament (MPs) to stay away from the proceedings. The minority who dared turn up voted against the Amendment.
Now to the content of this extraordinary exercise in constitutional legislation. Although the 26th Amendment includes other matters, its main thrust, and focus of public interest and attention, are the Clauses related to the judiciary. Article 175A has been amended to bring in changes to the Judicial Commission of Pakistan (JCP) with the inclusion of four MPs, two each from the treasury and opposition benches, one each drawn from the National Assembly (NA) and the Senate. It is not clear (at least to this writer) whether the original structure of the JCP, i.e. five Supreme Court (SC) judges (with the Chief Justice of Pakistan – CJP – as its chairman), the Attorney General of Pakistan, the federal law minister, a former Chief Justice and a senior advocate nominated by the Pakistan Bar Council will continue and only be added to by the four parliamentarians. The method of appointment of the CJP, hitherto relying on the senior most judge automatically replacing the incumbent on retirement (a procedure inherited from our colonial past), will now be replaced by the choice of a Special Parliamentary Committee from the three senior most judges of the SC. The Committee will forward one name out of the three to the prime minister, who will forward it to the president. This Committee will be composed of eight MNAs and four Senators, selected in proportion to the strength of the parties in the two Houses. The Committee will be bound to send its recommended name for the next CJP at least 14 days before the incumbent’s retirement. However, in the light of the obtaining circumstances (CJP Qazi Faiz Isa’s retirement on October 25, which explains the government’s hurry to get the Amendment passed), this time the committee will be ‘permitted’ to send its nomination up to three days prior to the incumbent’s retirement. Since today, October 22, 2024, is therefore the deadline, by the time these lines appear, the deed may well have been done, implying the government had already decided who it wants as CJP. The CJP’s term, through changes in Article 179, has been set at three years unless he resigns earlier, attains the retirement age of 65 years, or is removed. Even if the incumbent has not reached the retirement age of 65, he would stand retired at the end of the three-year term. The 26th Amendment also empowers the JCP, now weighted by the induction of MPs, to evolve criteria for the assessment, evaluation and fitness for appointment of candidates for judges. If a High Court judge’s performance is deemed ‘inefficient’, an improvement period will be granted (how long is not clear). If the judge fails to improve, a report will be submitted by the JCP to the Supreme Judicial Council (SJC), the forum with the authority to remove judges. The minimum age for appointment of High Court judges has been lowered from 45 years to 40.
The 26th Amendment inserts a new Article 191A for creating Constitutional Benches of the SC, comprising judges of the SC for such term as nominated and determined by the JCP, with the most senior judge among them the Presiding Judge. Whether such judges would be drawn from the existing SC judges or some other source is not clear. Constitutional Benches would consist of at least five judges nominated by a three-judge committee, as is the case in the SC Practice and Procedure Act, the nominating committee comprising the Presiding Judge and the next two most senior judges. The suo motu jurisdiction of the SC under Article 184 will now by exercised by the Constitutional Benches (as opposed, hitherto, by the CJP). The High Courts may have similar Constitutional Benches if the four provincial Assemblies adopt resolutions for the purpose.
The 26th Amendment boils down to a coup by the executive against the judiciary, no doubt with the help and support of the establishment. Its implications, in terms of the independence of the judiciary, may soon become apparent. Not much good can be hoped for in this regard. However, to be fair and objective, the judiciary is itself too responsible for inviting this attack on itself, given its sorry track record in our history. Briefly, this includes legitimising every military coup and martial law, going so far in the last such instance of empowering General Pervez Musharraf to amend the Constitution! When Musharraf dismissed CJP Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry, the Lawyers Movement ensured his restoration. CJP Iftikhar Chaudhry then went so far in asserting his restored authority that he caused the country a fair share of problems, including the Reqo Diq near disaster. Other CJPs, Khosa, Saqib Nisar, etc, exceeded what could by any imagination be considered their remit or the upholding of justice and the Constitution, clearly under the influence of the politicisation of the judiciary. And I am not even so far mentioning CJP Munir, whose doctrine of necessity upended the judicial cart early in Pakistan's existence for perhaps the foreseeable future.
In this tussle between the executive and the judiciary, with the establishment hiding not so successfully behind the skirts of the former, there are no innocents. Their misdemeanours of the past and present have brought us to this sorry pass. The whole story reeks of the sad conclusion that we have no idea how to build or defend institutions, only a rare talent for destroying them.
rashed-rahman.blogspot.com
Friday, October 18, 2024
Research and Publication Centre's (RPC's) weekly Bhaitak, Saturday, October 19, 2024, 4:00 pm
Research and Publication Centre's (RPC's) programme of regular weekly Bhaitaks continues Saturday, October 19, 2024, 4:00 pm. This is an informal, open discussion forum on all aspects of Pakistan's crises: ideological, political, economic, social, cultural, etc. This week we hope to welcome eminent activist and intellectual Jami Chandio from Sindh, who will enlighten us regarding the recent killing of blasphemy accused Dr Shahnawaz Kanbar, the reaction against it from civil society, and the general problems and situation of Sindh.
All friends are welcome. Tea will be served.
RPC address: 2nd Floor, 65, Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore (next to Standard Chartered Bank, above Indesign showroom).
Rashed Rahman
Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)
Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)
Cells: 0302 8482737 (operates WhatsApp) & 0333 4216335.
Tuesday, October 15, 2024
Business Recorder Column October 15, 2024
State vs. citizens
Rashed Rahman
The twists and turns preceding and accompanying the holding of the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement’s (PTM’s) Jirga in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) could not be described as anything but mind boggling. Initially, the police and security forces attacked the venue in Jamrud while preparations were still afoot. The toll of this (as it turned out later, quite unnecessary use of force) was four killed. Then Federal Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi railed against the alleged calls by the PTM to ‘take up arms’ against the state, announcing the PTM had been banned, and ruling out therefore the Jirga being allowed. But lo and behold, within a day or so, Mr Naqvi sat looking perplexed with KP Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur, who led the drive to reverse harsh actions against the Jirga, held the PTM ban ‘in abeyance’, facilitated the Jirga’s arrangements, and even allowed political parties to attend it. Despite this about turn, the KP government’s spokesperson, Barrister Saif, again ruled out allowing the Jirga by a proscribed outfit. For this unnecessary legerdemain, he was roundly attacked by his own PTI for being an establishment ‘tout’. However, it seems wiser counsel had overridden the all too familiar knee-jerk reaction by the state to dissent, any dissent, no matter where it came from and for what reason.
The PTM is a grievance platform of the people of KP, especially the tribal regions, against the results visited on them by terrorism and the security forces’ anti-terrorism campaigns over the last two decades. Manzoor Pashteen, the PTM leader, outlined for the Jirga and a wider audience at home and abroad, what these events had wrought on the Pashtuns. The total number of displaced people is 5.7 million, of whom 2.3 million are still displaced, 76,584 people have been killed, including 1,375 tribal elders and 3,000 religious figures, with 6,700 people still ‘missing’. The toll of houses and mosques either completely or partially destroyed is 370,000. This is a snapshot of what the people in KP, particularly the tribal areas, have suffered. Is it any wonder then that a movement such as PTM should have arisen to question this past record and argue against any repeat of it? Whatever is the share of the terrorists of the TTP and their ilk in this human and material toll, the security forces too have their share of blame for conducting all out, indiscriminate military operations without any regard for the local populace. This runs counter to the wisdom acquired by counter-terrorism operations the world over, which aways strive to avoid, as far as possible, innocent civilian casualties and make great efforts to keep the local populace on their side. Pashteen also lamented the extraction of the natural resources of KP and Balochistan without any benefit to the locals. Pashteen put forward the demand that security forces and terrorist groups like the TTP should vacate the tribal areas within 60 days. If this was done, he argued, peace would naturally return and be maintained by the proposal to form an unarmed Pashtun Milli Lashkar to keep the peace.
Amongst the other notable voices at the Jirga, including PTI, Awami National Party (ANP), Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and others, it was a matter of some satisfaction to hear Dr Mahrang Baloch, who has been leading a peaceful campaign against the enforced disappearance of thousands of the loved ones of bereft families in Balochistan. Is the Baloch Yakjehti Committee’s (BYC’s) demand that these missing persons be produced or, if there is any charge against them, be arraigned before a court of law, an anti-state posture? After all what she and her comrades are demanding is according to the law of the land. Why then, is she and her movement labelled ‘anti-state’ and treated accordingly? Coming from a conservative, still largely tribal society, Dr Mahrang Baloch has set an unprecedented example of courage and steadfastness, along with her colleagues, of struggling for human rights and justice. Is this an anti-state crime? Dr Mahrang Baloch has been chosen by Time magazine as one of the outstanding women from all over the world. But when she tried to fly to New York on the magazine’s invitation to an investiture ceremony, she was detained at Karachi airport for five hours, harassed, and finally not allowed to fly. As if this were not enough, a day or so later she has been indicted in a case of terrorism allegedly because of her contacts with, and working for, the Baloch insurgent groups.
What is the message the state is conveying through such shenanigans? That the state is everything, its citizens nothing, even when they seek their legitimate rights. All the state will end up doing by its failure to engage the dissenting voices (as, finally, in the Jamrud Jirga) and carrying on its unwise repressive actions against peaceful movements of citizens such as PTM and BYC is to convince the youth of the affected Pashtun and Baloch communities that there is no justice to be had by such peaceful remonstrations and demonstrations. If so, where will this large body of disgruntled youth end up? More than likely in the embrace of the very forces they are prematurely accused of being part of. A self-fulfilling prophecy if ever there was one. Who, or what, will this help?
rashed-rahman.blogspot.com
Thursday, October 10, 2024
Research and Publication Centre's (RPC's) weekly Bhaitak, Saturday, October 12, 2024
Research and Publication Centre's (RPC's) programme of regular weekly Bhaitaks continues Saturday, October 19, 2024, 4:00 pm. This is an informal, open discussion forum on all aspects of Pakistan's crises: ideological, political, economic, social, cultural, etc. This week we hope to welcome eminent activist and intellectual Jami Chandio from Sindh, who will enlighten us regarding the recent killing of blasphemy accused Dr Shahnawaz Kanbar, the reaction against it from civil society, and the general problems and situation of Sindh.
All friends are welcome. Tea will be served.
RPC address: 2nd Floor, 65, Main Boulevard Gulberg, Lahore (next to Standard Chartered Bank, above Indesign showroom).
Rashed Rahman
Director, Research and Publication Centre (RPC) (on Facebook)
Editor, Pakistan Monthly Review (PMR) (link: pakistanmonthlyreview.com)
Cells: 0302 8482737 (operates WhatsApp) & 0333 4216335.